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Ser.2 ,v.5 




3 1833 01101 0201 

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VOL. V. 







printed by freeman and bolles, 




The Historical Society consider it to be one impor- 
tant object of their Institution, to multiply copies of 
rare and valuable works relative to our Country. The 
History, to which they now invite the attention of 
their friends, was never published. Many of their 
associates, and others, have expressed a wish that it 
might be given to the public, as it is the original source 
from which several of our earliest historians derived 
much of their information. 

The Society acknowledge, with gratitude to the mem- 
ory of their most valued and respected associate, that 
this precious relic was among the rich contributions 
furnished by Rev. Dr. John Eliot from his invaluable col- 
lection of the treasures of American history and antiqui- 
ties. It is believed to have been rescued by his excel- 
lent father from the fury of the mob, in the depreda- 
tions on the house, furniture, and library of Governor 

The General Court, 11 Oct. 1G82, granted fifty 
pounds to the Author, " as a manifestation of thankful- 
ness " for this history, "he transcribing it fairly, that 
it may be the more easily perused. " The copy, from 
which this first edition is printed, was probably taken 


for the purpose of securing the benefits of this grant. 
On application by the Society, the Legislature have en- 
couraged the present publication by a very liberal sub- 
scription for the use of the Commonwealth. 

Of the author the late Rev. John Eliot, d. d., has given 
a very interesting, though not minute, account, in u The 
New England Biographical Dictionary. " He was born, 
1621 ; was one of the first class of graduates, at Har- 
vard College, 1642 ; was settled in the ministry at 
Ipswich, a colleague of Rev. Thomas Cobbet, about 
1666 or 1667 1 ; and died, 1704. 2 Of his publications 
the following are all that are known : A Sermon, 
" among the very good ones,"* on the General Elec- 
tion, 1676, 4to ; Narrative of Indian wars, 4to, 1677, 
republished 12mo, Boston, 1775 ; Fast Sermon, 24 
June, 1632 ; Sermon and Memoirs on Maj. Gen. Den- 
ison, published with his Irenicon, 12mo, 1684- Testi- 
mony (with Rev. John Higginson) to the Order of the 
Gospel in the Churches, 1701. 

In John Dunton's Journal of his visit to New Eng- 
land, 1685, a very interesting notice is taken of the 
Minister of Ipswich. f 

The authenticity and value of this history appear in 
the following testimonials. 

Rev. Thomas Prince, in " A Chronological History 
of New England in the form of Annals/' has in his 
list of folio MSS. — "12. The Rev. Mr. William 
Hubbard's General History of New England from the 
discovery to 1680, in 338 pages : And though not in 
his own hand-writing, yet having several corrections 

* Eliot. — Ed. 

f See ll Extracts from the life &c. of J. D." Histor. Collect, vol. ii. 2d 
Ser. p. 121. — Ed. 

1 A mistake ; it should be 1656 or 1657. — h. 2 Sept. 14th. — h. 

made thereby. " — Again, "And whereas I observe 
some mistakes in Mr. Hubbard's History of New Eng- 
land; the reader may consider, that as we have only 
a copy of that valuable work, the substance whereof 
I propose to give the Public : some of these mistakes 
may be owing to the Transcriber only, and some, that 
learned and ingenious author fell into for want of 
Gov. Bradford's History, and some other materials, 
which I happen to be favoured with." * 

His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, in " The His- 
tory of Massachusetts Bay,"f says, " Many such [ma- 
terials for an history of the Colony] came to me from 
my ancestors, who, for four successive generations, had 
been principal actors in public affairs : among the rest, 
a manuscript history of Mr. William Hubbard, which 
is carried down to the year 1680, but after 1650 con- 
tains but few facts. The former part has been of great 
use to me : it was so to Dr. Mather in his history, of 
which Mr. Neale's is little more than an abridgement." 

The opinion of his biographer, than whom no one 
was better able to appreciate duly the relative as well 
as absolute merit of our early writers, is given in the 
prefatory remarks to his valuable Ecclesiastical His- 
tory, inthe Historical Collections.^ 

Of the MS. copy a few pages at the beginning and 
end are mutilated, and the writing in some places, is 
scarcely legible. These passages are given, as far as 
the editors could spell them out. Where they have 

* Vol. i. 12mo. pp. 254, Boston, 1736. Preface, p. vii., and x., xi. [Hale's 
ed., Preface, pp. xvii., xxi. — h.] Mr. Prince made few corrections, for he 
brought down his Annals only to 1633. That the copy from which this edi- 
tion is printed, is the same which he consulted, is little doubted. This is not 
in Mr. Hubbard's handwriting, yet has his emendations. — Ed. 

f 8vo. 2 vol. Lond. 1765, vol. i. Pref. —Ed. [Salem ed., Preface, p. v. — h.] 

t Vol. vii. First Series, p. 263. — Ed. 


supplied words, or portions of words, conjecturally, 
such are printed in italics. Where they were at a loss, 
they have used asterisks.* 

They had hoped to obtain an entire copy of this de- 
fective portion. This fond expectation was derived 
from their knowledge that a transcript was made by 
Hon. Peter Oliver, Esq., LL. D., Chief Justice of 
Massachusetts.! Application has been made to the 
family, in England, for a part or the whole of this pre- 
cious document ; but without success. t 

A. HOLMES, ) Committee of the 

JOSEPH McKEAN, j Historical Society. 

Cambridge, M&ss., 1815. 

* From the ninth page the manuscript is entire ; pages 7 and 8 are nearly 
so; 3, 4, 5, and 6, considerably torn and effaced ; 1 and 2 appear to be want- 
ing. At the end, page 337 is a little defective ; 338 is nearly effaced ; the 
remainder is lost. The editors had contemplated retaining the author's mode 
of spelling ; but soon rinding that this was not uniform, they concluded not 
to continue the attempt, after the first seven chapters. 1 — Ed. 

f " 1773, June 10. Judge Oliver came and drank tea with me. He has 
a copy of the Rev. Mr. Hubbard's MSS., of Ipswich, which he himself 
copied from a copy which had corrections in Mr. Hubbard's own handwriting. 
I think it contains 3 or 400 pages folio. This, with Gov. Bradford's and 
Gov. Winthrop's MSS., are the three most considerable historical accounts 
of the first settlement of New England." President Stiles's Literary Diary. 

" Every relic or document which related to the settlement of the country, 
or was curious, had a value stamped upon it. He collected many papers and 
records, and even transcribed William Hubbard's MS. history with his own 
hand. All these, except such as Hutchinson made use of, were carried away 
with him when he went to England." Art. Oliver, (P.) Eliot's N. E. Biog. 
Diet. p. 350. — Ed. 

% See the letters on this subject, Histor. Collections, vol. iii. New 
Series. — Ed. 

1 In this edition the spelling has been modernized throughout. — h. 









"Mr. Hubbard was certainly for many years the most eminent minister in the 
County of Essex : equal to any in the Province for learning and candor, and superior 
to all his contemporaries as a writer." 

The late Rev. John Eliot, D. D., Cor. Sec. Hist. Soc. 





District Clerk's Office. 

Be it remembered, that on the second day of June, A. D. 1814, and in the 
thirty-eighth year of the Independence of the United States, Joseph McKean, 
of the said District, in the name and behalf of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, has deposited in this Office the title of a book, the right whereof the said 
Society claims as proprietor, in the words following, to wit : 

" A General History of New England, from the discovery to mdclxxx. By 
the Rev. William Hubbard, Minister of Ipswich, Mass. < Mr. Hubbard was 
certainly for many years the most eminent minister in the County of Essex ; 
equal to any in the Province for learning and candor, and superior to all his 
contemporaries as a writer.' The late Rev. John Eliot, D. D., Cor. Sec. Hist. 

In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, (l An 
Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, 
and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein 
mentioned ;" and also to an Act, entitled, " An Act, supplementary to an Act, 
entitled an Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of 
maps, charts and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during 
the times therein mentioned ; and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of 
designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints." 

w <a <bwaw } Clerk of the District 
vv. a. &HAW, > of Massachusetts- 




In order that this edition might be as perfect as possible, 
the Committee engaged the services of Mr. William Thaddeus 
Harris, A. B., of Cambridge, to superintend its publication; 
correcting it by the original manuscript, and appending to it 
such notes as he might deem useful, and as might not inter- 
fere with the paging. These notes are signed H, It was 
necessary that the pages in this edition should be numbered 
in the same manner as in the former, in order that the refer- 
ences in the Index of the Series should be applicable to both. 
This necessity, beside greatly increasing the difficulty of anno- 
tation, has occasionally given a somewhat irregular appear- 
ance to the page. But the slighest comparison of the two edi- 
tions will show the superiority in every respect of this. 

Boston, March, 1848. 


] Brackets generally designate words which are presumed to be deficient 
in the original, and are here supplied on good anthoriiy; as on pages 
114, 115. But in Chapters I. and II. (the MS. of which, as far as the 
middle of page 13, is now lost) they have been used to designate words 
which are deficient in the former edition, (their places being occupied by 
asterisks) but which, in this edition, (with the two exceptions on page7,) 
have been supplied from Purchas and Smith ; as on pages 8, 10. 
* * Words and passages having a pen drawn through them in the MS., and 
which are not to be found in the former edition, are here printed with a 
star before and after ; as on page 19. 
§ § Omissions in the former edition are designated by this character before 
and after ; as on page 24. 
|I The difference between the correct readings of this edition and the erro- 
neous ones of the former is marked by giving the true word or words in 
the text, between parallel lines, and the reading of the former edition be- 
tween similar lines in the margin at the bottom of the page ; as on page 17. 
The references from the text to the notes at the foot of the page are by 
Arabic numerals ; as on page 13. 

The letters of the alphabet are used to refer to the notes at the end of the 
book ; as on page 8. 

The notes (few in number) of the former editors have been generally re- 
tained in this edition, with Ed. appended to them. 

For all other notes, comprehending those at the foot of the page which 
are designated by the letter H, and all those at the end of the work, the present 
editor is alone responsible. 

With regard to the spelling; in proper names the orthography of the MS., 
various as it is. has been generally retained. With this exception the spell- 
ing has been modernized. 

There can be no doubt that the MS. from which the following pages have 
been printed is the same which was used by Prince ; it agrees exactly with 
the description given by the Annalist. It is a folio, "in 338 pages; and 
though not in Hubbard's own handwriting, yet having several corrections made 
thereby." It will be apparent to any person who will take the trouble to 
examine the MS., that the transcriber or transcribers (for different portions of 
the MS. were evidently copied by as many different hands) found some diffi- 
culty in deciphering Hubbard's crabbed autograph. This is proved by the 
most ridiculous transformations of words, the oddest perversion of the sense, 
occasional blanks in the middle of a sentence, words curtailed of a final letter 
or syllable, and sundry other blunders of a like nature, some of which have 
been detected and corrected by Hubbard, while a greater number escaped his 
observation. Such being the case, liberties have been taken with the text 
which otherwise would not have been allowable ; where a material alteration 
has been made the reader has been informed thereof; but when the deviation 
from the MS. has been slight (as, for instance, in the addition or subtraction of 
a letter,) it has not been considered necessary to advise the reader of such 
alteration, the main object being to give what we must suppose to have been 
the true meaning of the author. — h. 


Page 7, the words in brackets are conjectural. 

The figures in brackets were supplied by the former editors. 

11, ] 

12, line 15, [ten] supplied by the former editors. 

29, " 11, for that many endeavors have been made, read \\the\\ many en- 
deavors [ivhich] have been made. 

" at the bottom insert ||ihat||. 

36, " 10, for in read [in]. 

39, " 19, for the, read ||our||. 

" at the bottom, insert ||the||. 

47, " 18, for Sir Edward, read Sir Edwin. 

66, " 8, for 1631, read 1621. 

68, " 17, for had, read ||was||. 

" at the bottom, insert ||had||. 

69, " 26, for overstored, read ||overstocked||. 
" at the bottom insert ||overstored||. 

82, " 5, the word command should be in italics, as conjectural. 

85, " 32, after proportionable insert to. 

97, " 35, for those days, read || these ends||. 
" at the bottom, insert ||those days||. 

100, " 26, after settling, for the, read ||that||. 
" at the bottom, insert ||the||. 

101, " Billington's victim was named John Newcomen. See Brad- 

ford, in Prince, pp. 319-20. 

115, u 19, for designs, read [|diseases[[. 

" at the bottom, insert [|designs||. 

137, " 37, for interrupt, read |[intercept||. 

" at the bottom, insert Hinterruptll. 

144, " 11, after had, omit a. 

150, in the note, line 1, for May 4, read May 5. 

153, in the note, line 3, for 23-4, read 223-4. 

158, " 9, for thither, read hither. 

167, " 2, for when, read ||where||. 

" at the bottom, insert ||when||. 

185, in the note, line 2, for 32-3, read i. 32-3. 

189, " 40, for whom, read ||whence||. 

" at the bottom, insert ||whom||. 

200, " 41, for \\some\\ read ||some||. 

227, " 1, for country for, read country of. 
240, at the bottom, insert ||these||. 

243, " 30, for same, read ||former||. The word was originally written 
as in the text, but has been clumsily converted into the 
word above given. 

" at the bottom, insert ||same||. 

259, u 7, after called, insert §in§. 

268, " 22, before Plantation, for the, read ||that||. 

" at the bottom, insert ||the||. 

295, " 26. The word Church is underscored in the MS., and in the 
margin is the following note : 
11 Quaere, if the word [Church] is not mistaken for Court." 


CHAP. I. Imperfect 

CHAP. II. MS* Pr. 

Of the first discovery of the country of New England. 4 8 

Of the situation, bounds, and rivers of New England 9 14 

Of the temperature of the air and nature of the climate 14 19 


Of the fertility of the soil, with the commodities and other 
advantages of New England . . . . 15 22 


Of the disposition of the natives of America, in New Eng- 
land, with the conjectures about their passage hither 19 26 


Of the several nations of the Indians found in New Eng- 
land upon the first discovery thereof; with a touch upon 
their laws, government, and successions . . '. 22 29 


Of the first planting of New England, or any part thereof, 

by the English 29 35 


Of the Plantation at Patuxit, or New Plymouth, in the year 

1620 ; with the occasions that led thereunto . 34 41 

* The MS. copy is carefully preserved in the library of the Historical Society. For 
the convenience of those who may wish to consult it, the pages of the MS., as well as 
of the printed work, are given. — Ed. 



CHAP. X. MS. Pr. 

Of the Government, Civil and Military, established in the 

Colony of New Plymouth 49 61 


Of the Religion, Worship, and Discipline, professed or 

practised, by those of Plymouth . . . .51 63 

The general affairs of the Colony of New Plymouth, 
during the first lustre of years, from March 25, 1621, to 
March 25, 1626 52 66 

Mr. Weston's Plantation of Wasagusquasset . .57 72 


The necessities and sufferings of the inhabitants of New 
Plymouth, during their first lustre of years : their Pa- 
tent, how and when obtained 62 79 


The Council established at Plymouth, in the County of De- 
von, for the ordering the affairs of New England, and 
their proceedings with reference thereto . . .65 84 


The addition of more Assistants to the Governor of Ply- 
mouth Colony, with some passages most remarkable 
there, in the years 1624, 1625 .... 70 90 


Affairs in the Colony of New Plymouth, political and 
ecclesiastical, during the second lustre of years, viz. 
from March 26, 1626, to March 26, 1631 . .75 96 

The discovery and first planting of the Massachusetts 79 101 


Several planters transport themselves into New Eng- 
land ; Ministers invited to join with them. The first 
Plantation in the Massachusetts, called Salem. . 85 111 


Of the civil polity and form of government of the Massa- 
chusetts Company of New England, by Patent ; *with 


MS. Pr. 
the sending over their first Agent thither, viz. Mr. J. 
Endicot, Anno 1628.* 87 114 

Of the affairs of religion in the Massachusetts Colony, in 
New England, during the first lustre of years after the 
first attempt for the planting thereof; from the year 
1625 to the year 1630. . . . . . 88 115 


Transactions of the Patentees at London after the Patent 
was obtained ; debates about carrying it over ; trans- 
portation of the Patentees and many others, in the year 
1630 . . . . 91 120 


The proceedings of the Patentees at South-Hampton, 
when they took their leave of England ; the solemn 
manner thereof 93 125 


The fleet set forth to sea for New England ; their passage, 

and safe arrival there 96 128 


The first planting the Massachusetts Bay with towns, after 
the arrival of the Governor and company that came 
along with him ; and other occurrents that then fell out. 
1630, 1631, 1632 99 134 


The first Courts kept in the Massachusetts, after the 
coming over of the Governor. The carrying on of 
their civil affairs, from the year 1630 to 1636, with the 
accusations against them before the King and Council. 106 146 


Various occurrences in New England, from the year 

1631 to 1636 113 160 


Ecclesiastical affairs of the Massachusetts, during the first 
lustre of years after the transferring of the Patent and 
Government thither ; from Anno 1631 to 1636 . 124 181 


Memorable accidents during this lustre of years. The 
small-pox among the Indians ; pestilential fever at 
Plymouth ; with other occurrences worthy to be ob- 
served, from the year 1630 to 1636 ... 131 194 


CHAP. XXX. MS - Pi - 

Disturbance, both civil and ecclesiastical, in the Massa- 
chusetts, occasioned by Mr. Roger Williams, in the 
year 1634 135 202 


The first planting of those parts of New England, on the 
east and west side of Pascataqua River, called the Pro- 
vince of Maine and New Hampshire, and the parts 
adjoining. Attempts for a new settlement of those 
lands by some of the Grand Council of New England, 
before they surrendered their Charter into the hands of 
the King 141 213 


The general affairs of the Massachusetts, from the year 

1636 to the year 1641 151 233 


Various occurrences in the Massachusetts, from the year 

1636 to 1641 153 239 


John Oldham murdered by the Indians of Block Island ; 
how discovered, and the war that followed thereupon 
with them, and the Pequods, their abettors. . 156 248 


The state of affairs in the Massachusetts, Anno 1636, 

while Mr. Vane was Governor. . . . 159 255 


Troublesome occurences in New England, in the years 
1637, 1638. Their Patent undermined by some in 
England ; demanded by the Lords of the Committee 
for Foreign Plantations ; the answer of the Massachu- 
setts 162 262 


Ecclesiastical affairs in the Massachusetts, from §the 

year§ 1636 to 1641 166 273 


Disturbance in the Massachusetts Colony, in New Eng- 
land, from the year 1636 to 1641, by Mr. Wheelwright 
and Mrs. Hutchinson. . . 169 280 


The occasion of spreading erroneons opinions in New 
England, and much disturbance occasioned thereby in 
and about Boston, in the years 1636, 1637, etc. 172 285 


A Synod called in New England, Anno 1637, at Cam- 
bridge. The occasion and success thereof. . 177 298 


The first planting of the country about the River of 
Connecticut. The occasion leading thereunto, and 
progress thereof, in the years 1635 and 1636, with 
some occurrences which have since happened there, 
both in their civil and ecclesiastical affairs. . 183* 305 


The first planting of New Haven. Some of the most 
remarkable passages concerning that Colony, as also 
of Rhode Island, Providence, and the places ad- 
joining, near Narraganset Bay, in the years 1637, 
1638 188 317 


Ecclesiastical affairs, with other occurrences, at Provi- 
dence and Rhode Island, to the year 1643. Inter- 
course between them and the Massachusetts. . 196 335 


Ecclesiastical affairs, with other occurrences, at Pascat- 
aqua and the places adjacent. Contests between 
Mr. Cleeves and Mr. Vines about the bounds of 
Ligonia .. 203 350 

CHAP. XLV. (44. )t 

The general affairs of New England, from 1641 to 

1646. ........ 211 370 

CHAP. XL VI. (45.) 

Various occurrents in New England, from 1641 to 

1646 213 375 

CHAP. XL VII. (46.) 

Troubles occasioned to the Massachusetts inhabitants by 
one Samuel Gorton, and his company, all of them 
notorious Familists. . . . . . . 223 401 

* Pages 180, 1, 2, and part of 190, of the MS. are blank. — Ed. 
f In the MS. the numbering- of this chapter is 44 ; and a similar mistake 
continues through the volume. — Ed. 


CHAP. XLVIII. (47.) MS. Pr. 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from the year 1641 

to 1646 226 408 

CHAP. XLIX. (48.) 

Memorable accidents in New England, from 1641 to 1646. 230 419 

CHAP. L. (49.) 

The Colonies of Connecticut and New Haven disturbed 
by the Dutch at Manhatoes, and the Swedes at Dela- 
ware Bay, during this lustre, from 1641 to 1645. 236 432 

CHAP. LI. (50.) 

Conspiracies of the Indians against the English in New 
England discovered and prevented ; from the year 
1641 to 1646 .. 241 446 

CHAP. LII. (51.) 

The Confederation of the United Colonies of New Eng- 
land ; the grounds and reasons leading thereunto, 
with the Articles agreed upon for that end. . , 249 465 

CHAP. LIII. (52.) 

Ships seized in the harbors of the Massachusetts, by 
pretended commissions of the Admiralty in England, 
in the year 1644 253 474 

CHAP. LIV. (53.) 

Transactions between the Massachusetts and some of 
the Governors of the French Plantations in Acady, 
from the year 1641 to 1646 254 478 

CHAP. LV. (54.) 

The general affairs of New England, from the year 

1646 to 1651 . 263 499 

CHAP. LVI. (55.) 
Various occurrents in New England, from 1646 to 1651. 271 520 

CHAP. LVII. (56.) 

Memorable accidents in New England, from the year 

1646 to 1651 273 524 

CHAP. LVIII. (57.) 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from the year 

1646 to 1651 277 532 

CHAP. LIX. (58.) 

General affairs of the Massachusetts, in New England, 

from 1651 to 1656 280 542 

CHAP. LX. (59.) MS. Pr. 

A quarrel between the inhabitants of New Haven and 
the Dutch at Manhatoes ; the Massachusetts not willing 
to engage therein ; from 1651 to 1656. . . 282 545 

CHAP. LXI. (60.) 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from 1651 to 

1656 284 552 

CHAP. LXII. (61.) 
Special occurrences during this lustre, from 1651 to 1656. 284 552 

CHAP. LXIII. (62.) 
The general affairs of New England, from 1656 to 1661. 286 555 

CHAP. LXIV. (63.) 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from the year 

1656 to the year 1661 289 562 

CHAP. LXV. (64.) 

The Plantations of New England troubled with the 
Quakers ; Laws made against them by the Gen- 
eral Court of the Massachusetts, within the space of 
this lustre, from 1655 to 1660 292 571 

CHAP. LXVI. (65.) 

General affairs of the Massachusetts 5 from the year 1661 

to 1666 294 575 

CHAP. LXVII. (66.) 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from the year 

1661 to 1666. ....... 299 587 

CHAP. LXVIII. (67.) 

The general affairs of New England, from the year 

1666 to 1671 300 591 

CHAP. LXIX. (68.) 

The Province of Maine returns to the government of 
the Massachusetts ; the occasion and manner how it 
was brought about. . . . . . . 301 593 

CHAP. LXX. (69.) 

Ecclesiastical affairs in the Massachusetts, from the year 

1666 to 1671 305 601 

CHAP. LXXI. (70.) 

General affairs of the Massachusetts, from the year 1671 

to 1676 309 610 


CHAP. LXXII. (71.) MS - Pr- 

Ecclesiastical affairs in New England, from the year 

1671 to the year 1685 315 621 

CHAP. LXXIII. (72.) 

Memorable accidents during this lustre of years, from 

1671 to 1676. . . . . . . . 317 627 

CHAP. LXXIV. (73.) 

A further continuation of the narrative of troubles with 
the Indians in New England, from April 1677 to June 
1680. . . . . i . . . . 318 629 

CHAP. LXXV. (74.) 

Memorable occurrents and sad accidents that happened 

in New England, from 1666 to 1682. . . 323 640 

CHAP. LXXVI. (75.) 

The success and progress of the Gospel amongst the In- 
dians in New England 327 649 

CHAP. LXXVII. (76.) 

A continuation of the History of New Plymouth, from 

the year 1633, until the year 1678. ... 332 661 


The country about Hudson's River, when first discovered 
and planted ; what changes have passed over them, 
since their first planting to this present time. . 334 668 




necessary for the supplies and comfort of man's residence 
in other more habitable parts of the world : here were 
[mines of] silver and gold, [and] store of precious pearls, 
locked up in the earth and depths of the sea, all which 
treasures of the rich cabinets of nature had waited a 
long time for an expert and skilful hand, better acquaint- 
ed with their worth than the natives, to disclose and dis- 
perse them abroad amongst the rest of the world, for 
whose use they were in their first creation intended. 
There were also many spacious and vast tracts of land, 
fit for the use of men of other nations ; the said places 
having never had enough inhabitants to manage so many 
fertile countries. * * * * thereof had probably 
for a long time been occupied by a people who nei- 
ther themselves nor their ancestors had acquaintance 
with civility or any liberal sciences ; with the knowledge 
or worship of the true and living God. What * * 
* # may have in that kind is not for us to 

determine. Ft seems to be the pleasure of the Almighty 
by the foresaid means to open the way for sending the 
light of the gospel amongst those dark parts of the 
earth for their conversion, as is hoped, and thus to leave 
the rest without excuse at the last day. The gospel must 
be preached to the nations for a testimony unto them ; 
which it never was * * * * it being an usual 
observation that the great Husbandman is not pleased to 



send forth laborers, where he hath no harvest to be ga- 
thered in, or work for them to accomplish. Wherefore 
the bringing of the natives of this country to the know- 
ledge of God and our Savior Jesus Christ, being 
peculiarly intended by those of New England as is par- 
ticuL\\\y expressed in their grand charter to be principal- 
ly the adventurers' true profession, and his Majesty's roy- 
al intention when he granted it ; the various providences 
that have attendee? the settlement of that part of Ameri- 
ca, so called, shall in what follows he particuhx\y de- 
clared, that so they may remain a perpetual monument 

*-\ r fl 1 1/1 ft #3 ^** ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 

# # # :fc * # # # # 

* * Reports, and for the satisfaction of who 
may be studious to inquire into the real truth of former 
transactions, the General History of New England is 
now taken in hand ; wherein the first discovery of the 
country, its situation, temperature of the air, fertility and 
nature of the soil, disposition of the inhabitants, together 
with the first planting thereof by the English, being 
briefly touched upon, the principal occurrences that have 
jfallen out within the compass of the next sixty or 
eighty years, concerning the affairs of religion, * * 
* * since that time shall be more largely handled 

CHAP. II. . 

Of the first discovery of the country of New England. 

Christopher Columbus, a Genoesian, had the happiness 
and honor first to discover this before unknown part of 
the world, though Americus that came after him had the 
honor to have it called after his own name, America. Oth- 
ers * # Sebastian Cabot, a a famous Portuguez, more 
particularly, discover more than [they both.*] In the year 
1497 he with his father, John Cabot, sent out under a com- 
mission of Henry VII., ranged a great part of this unknown 
region, in that and some years following discovering many 
places in it between the 40th degree of south and 67th 
of north latitude; where [Columbus had never been, 1 ] 
contenting himself with the riches of Hispaniola, Cuba, 

1 Purchas's Pilgrimage, (fol. Lond. 1617,) p. 894.— h. 


and some other /stands, which he fortunately fell upon 
in the year 1492. He did not discover the ma\\\ land 
till the year 1498, a whole year after Sebastian Cabot 
had been upon the continent, in reward of which notable 
discovery he was afterward made Grand Pilot of England 
and Ireland by king Henry VIII., and in his old age 
had an honorable pension pr. ami. of 1661. 13s. 4d. allow- 
ed him by Edward VI. These discoveries of the Ca- 
bots were the foundation and ground work of those noble 
adventures made afterwards by those of the EngWsh nation 
or others, who, moved either with emulation of the Span- 
iards, or an ambitious desire of advancing the glory of 
the^r respective nations, did in the next age attempt a 
more full discovery of the several parts of the world, spe- 
cially of America, hoping thereby either to find out some 
new possessions, or else a nearer passage to the more 
remote parts of the world discovered, and well known 
long before, (although not reached unto without going a 
great compass about.) On some such account the French 
historians report that James Quartier, a a Florentine, 
employed by Francis I., king of France, discovered 
New ****** France 

* * New Foundland in the year [1534] * * 

# * # the said James Quartier and Mon f 
* * * the lady of the English 

world. In the year [1587] John White aforesaid was 
sent with three more ships to make further enquiry after 
the colony left there before by Sir Richard Green vill. 
But although this last time they tarried all winter, as may 
be conjectured by the words of the relation, till the year 
1590, the said colony could never be heard of: and thus 
w r as the Jirst plantation at old Virginia after much time, 
labor, and charge brought to confusion, and finally de- 
serted in the year 1590: nor was there ever any planta- 
tion attempted in that place ox carried on with prosperous 
success to this day, the reason of which is not yet render- 
ed. The planting of any place about Florida being thus 
nipped in the bud, if not blasted with some severer curse, 
like Jericho of old, all hopes of settling another plantation 

f Here appears to be a chatm. — Ed. 


in that part of the world were for the present aban- 
doned, and lay dead for the space of twelve years next 
following, when they were revived again by the valiant 
resolution and industry of Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold 
and Capt. Bartholomew Gilbert, and divers other gentle- 
men, their associates, who in the year 1602 attempted a 
more exact discovery of the whole coast of Virginia. The 
first voyage, Capt. Gosnold in a small bark [with thirty-two 
men 1 ] set sail from Dartmouth March 26, the same year a 
southwest course from the Azores, made his passage shorter 
by several degrees than ever the former adventurers found 
it, who had always fetched a compass round by the West 
Indies, and by that course fell upon Florida. But Capt. 
Gosnold, possibly more by the guidance of providence than 
any special art acquired of man, on the l^th May follow- 
ing made land in the lat. of 43°, where Capt. Gosnold was 
presently welcomed by eight of the savages in one of their 
shallops, who came boldly aboard them, which considered 
with * * * shew made the other conjecture some 
Biskiners a had [been trading or fishing] there : the Cap- 
tain, how well soever he liked his [doubted the 1 ] 
weather, which made him soon after weigh and [stand to 
the southward 1 ] into the sea ; the next morning, finding 
himself drawing nigh a mighty headland, let fall his an- 
chor again [within a league of 1 ] the shore, and then him- 
self with four men went on shore presently ; marching 
up the highest hill next morning, they discerned the 
headland to be part of the main, round which were many 
islands : in five or six hours time his company caught 
more codfish than they well knew what to do with. 
And this promontory hath ever since borne the name of 
Cape Cod, ichich he was not willing to exchange for the 
royal name, that Capt. Smith or some other mariner had 
given, the fishing which they there met with, being re- 
tained to this day. It appears by what is written by 
Capt. John Brierton in the same voyage, that the first hill 
they ascended ivas upon the south side of Cape Cod, for 
the islands thereabouts retain the same names which at 
that time were imposed on them : viz. Martha's or Martin's 
Vineyard and Elizabeth Islands, being replenished with 

1 Smith's General History of Virginia, (fol. Lond. 1632,) p. 16. — h. 


the blossoms of strawberries, raspberries, and gooseberries, 
and divers other fruits, besides several sorts of living 
creatures, as deer, cranes, herns, and other wild fowl, 
which made them call the island Martha's Vineyard ; and 
in the same place they took up their station all the while 
they remained in the country. In the middle of May 
they sowed wheat, barley, oats, [and] peas, which sprang 
up eight or nine inches in fourteen days. All which con- 
siderations together with the seeming courtesies of the 
savages encouraged some of the company to think of tar- 
rying there the year about. But considering how mean- 
ly they were provided, they altered the resolution, and re- 
turned back again to England, where they arrived, about 
the 23d July following, carrying such news as induced the 
aldermen [and most of the merchants 1 ] of Bristol to raise a 
stock of [10001.] which was employed for furnishing [out 
two 1 ] more the next year under the command of Martin 
Pring, or Prin, and Robert Salterne, who had been there 
the year before. In the year 1603 following the Capt. 
Gosnold made no relation, but [having run some five hun- 
dred leagues they 2 ] fell with the land [in the latitude of 2 ] 
43° on the north of Virginia, as all the country was then 
called. From thence they ranged the coast along till they 
came to a place which they named Whitson Bay. How 
long they tarried upon the coast, or when they returned, is 
not mentioned in Salteme^s relation, a yet it seems the re- 
port they carried home was not like that of the unbe- 
lieving spies, for it gave encouragement to the Right 
Honorable Sir Thomas Arundel Baron of Wardor to send 
forth another vessel in the year 1605, with twenty-nine 
stout seamen, under the command of Capt. Thomas Wey- 
mouth with intent to have them make another discovery 
of the coast southward of 39 degrees. But by reason 
of cross winds they fell to the northward of 41 by 20 min- 
utes, where they found themselves strongly embayed by 
shoals, so that'm the running of six leagues they should come 
from one hundred fathom to five, yet see no land. Then at 
the next throw they should have [fifteen or eighteen fath- 
om 3 ], which constrained them to put [back 3 ] againto sea, 
though the wind points were as fair as they could desire. 
The want of wood and water made them take the best ad- 

1 Smith, p. 18.— h. 2 Purchas's Pilgrims, (fol. Lond. 1625) iv. 1654.— h. 
Purchas, iv. 1659 ; Smith, p. 19.— h. 


vantage of winds that came next to fall with the shore. 
On the 18th of May they cast anchor within a \eague of the 
shore, which proved an island, though at first it appeared 
as some high land of the main ; and here thej took five 
of the savages, as saith Capt. Smith, page 20, whom 
they found like all of that sort, kind till they had oppor- 
tunity to do mischief, but soon after found a place 
fitter for the purpose, which they called Pentecost Harbor, 
from White Sunday, on which they discovered it. The 
isles there abouts in the [entrance 1 ] * * * * 
It se * * * * of St. George's 

Isles. At this time they discovered a great river in those 
parts, supposed to be Kennibecke, near unto Pemaquid, 
which they found navigable forty miles up into the country, 
and seven, eight, nine, or [ten] fathom deep, as Capt. 
Weymouth reports. It was one main end of all the fore- 
mentioned adventurers, as well as those that first discov- 
ered it, to plant the Gospel there. The whole country 
from Florida to Nova Francia went at first under the 
name of Virginia, (yet distinguished by the Northern 
and Southern parts) : that which is now famously known 
by the name of Virginia, (where, since the year 1605, 
have several English Colonies been planted), is a country 
within the two Capes, where the sea runneth in two hun- 
dred miles north and south under the Deg. 37, 38, 39 of 
north lat., first discovered, as is generally believed, by 
Capt. John Smith, sometimes Governor of the country, 
into which there is but one entrance by sea, and that is at 
the mouth of a very goodly bay twenty miles broad be- 
tween those two Capes, of which that on the south is called 
Cape Henry, that on the north Cape Charles, in honor 
of the two famous princes, branches of the Royal Oak. 
The first planting of that country was begun in the year 
1606 ; and carried on by various changes and by sundry 
steps and degrees, as is described at large from the first 
beginning of the enterprise to the year 1627, by Capt. 
Smith, one of the first discoverers, and so a chief founder 
of the plantation from that time. That whole country, 
extending from the 34th to the 44th degrees of North lat. 
and called Virginia upon the accident mentioned before, 

1 Smith, p. 20.— h. 


formerly Norumbegw, came afterwards to be divided into 
two colonies — the first and the second. a The former was 
to the honorable City of London, as saith Capt. Smith, 
and such as would adventure with them, to discover and 
take their choice where they would, betwixt the degrees 
of 34 and 41 : the latter was appropriated to the Cities 
of Bristol, Plymouth, and Exeter, and the west parts of 
England, and all those that would adventure and join with 
them ; and they might take their choice any where betwixt 
the degrees of 38 and 44, provided there should be at 
least an hundred miles distance betwixt the two colo- 
nies, each of which had laws, privileges, and authority for 
the government, and advancing their plantations alike\ 
After this time several a/tempts were made for the plant- 
ing and peopling of this N. part of Virginia, called after- 
wards New England by Capt. Smith in the year 1614, 
who took a draught of it the same year. This he on 
his return presented to the afterwards* famous Prince 
Charles, of blessed memory, humbly entreating him 
to adopt it for his own, and make a confirmation 
thereof, by applying Christian names upon the sev- 
eral places first discovered, many of which were ever 
after retained ; the whole country being on that rea- 
son called New England to this day. In the year 1606, 
Sir John Popham, who was a principal undertaker, as 
saith Capt. Smith, and 1607, found men and means to 
make the beginning of a plantation about the mouth of 
a great river called Kennibeck, to the northward of 43 
degrees, but with what success shall be seen afterward. 
In the years next following, other attempts of further 
discovery were made by the industry and endeavors of 
Capt. Edward Harlow, Capt. Hobson of the Isle of 
Wight, Mr. John Mathews, Mr. Sturton, and especially 
Capt. Henry Hudson, 1 who searched several rivers along 
the coast from Delaware Bay up towards the frozen 
ocean ; in honor of whose memory, the great river where 
afterward the Dutch seated themselves and laid the foun- 
dation of their Novum Belgium, was called after his name, 
Hudson's river; as another place, the utmost bounds of 
his discoveries northward, is likewise called after the 

1 In the summer of 1609. — h. 


manner of elder times, Hudson's streight. Probably 
every year's experience might add something to a fuller 
knowledge of the havens, rivers, and most desirable places 
of the country, by such as came yearly to make fish upon 
the coast, eastward about the island of Monheggin, Dam- 
erille Cove, Casco Bay, Cape Porpoise, [and] Accomen- 
ticus, although no colony was ever settled in any of those 
places till the year 1620, when New Plymouth was first 
planted within Cape Cod, of which more in what follow- 
eth, when there will be just occasion to mention the in- 
credible success of those plantations of New England, 
that from so small and mean beginnings, did in so few 
years overspread so large a tract of land by the indus- 
try and diligent pains of a poor people, to which alone, 
next under the blessing of Almighty God, must the 
success of the whole business be ascribed : it being the 
declared intent of the adventurers and others that en- 
gaged in this design since Capt. Gosnold's voyage in the 
year 1602, as one Mr. Rosier, 1 that came along with 
Capt. Weymouth, doth expressly mention soon after, 
viz. 1605, to propagate God's holy chur-ch, by planting 
Christianity in these dark corners of the earth, which 
was the public good they aimed at, more than the ad- 
vancing their own private or particular ends. 


Of the situation, bounds, and rivers of New England. 

New England, at the first accounted no distinct country 
of itself, [so] as [to be] worthy of a proper name of its 
own, was taken only for a part of Virginia : but is of late 
discovered to be a country of too large a compass any 
longer to lackey after any other sister, though elder 
than herself, and therefore deservedly accounted worthy 
of that adoptive name with which it is honored as one 
of the principal daughters of the Chief Lady of the Eu- 
ropean world, from whence she is descended. It is situ- 
ate in the 315th degree of longitude, betwixt the degrees 
of 39 and 45 of north latitude, accounting from about 
Delaware Bay to the south of Nova Francia, the bounds 

1 See his account of the voyage, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 125-157. — h. 


thereof. On the east side is the great ocean, called the 
Atlantic Sea, on the west is the Pacific or South Sea, 
the distance how far being as jet unknown. On the 
south of New England lies partly the sea and partly the 
country of Delaware and Virginia. From the head of 
Cape Cod to the Manatos (now called New York, in 
honor of his Royal Highness, to whose commissioners it 
was of late 1 surrendered by the Dutch, and since by treaty 
to them confirmed,") the land trendeth away almost due 
west. On the north lieth that called Nova Scotia, the 
limits of each country being terminated about St. George 
or St. Croix, for when Sir John Popham's plantation was 
begun about Kennibecke, the English were possessed of 
St. Croix, Mount Mansell, b probably now called Mount 
Desert, Penobscot, and Port Royal : but afterwards, 
when it was known that the French began to encroach 
upon those places that lie beyond Kennibecke, they 
were wisely and timely displaced by Sir Samuel Argall, 
sometimes, and at that time, Governor of Virginia, and 
likewise chief agent there. How these places fell into 
the hands of the French nation by purchase from Sir 
William Alexander without pay, though not without 
promise, there may be occasion to speak more after- 
wards, when such occurrants as happened in the same 
year, when that fell out, come to be spoken unto. The 
French have been for a considerable time together dis- 
turbed in their possession of those places after they had 
them first in their hands; and that of right the title of 
them did belong to the English monarch, as he was 
king of Scotland, Dr. Walker, that learned civilian, 
did, not long since, as is said, declare it before his 
Majesty and Lords of his Council, when that matter 
was debated before them, on the account of the French 
interest. However, it seems upon the account of the 
French agent, all those places to the east or north east 
of Pemmaquid, that at any time heretofore were pos- 
sessed by any persons that belonged to the kings of 
France, were resigned up unto their possessions again, 
their demands wo doubt being grounded upon such 
pleas, as to him that made the concession seemed 

1 Aug. 27, 1664. See Holmes's Annals, i. 334.— h. 


not only just but honorable. As for the breadth of this 
whole country under debate, accounting along the 
shore and sea const, it seems to amount to near five 
hundred miles, within the compass of which circuit are 
many spacious and navigable rivers, which generally at 
the mouth of them, where they disembogue themselves 
into the great ocean, afford very commodious havens 
for ships, wherein they who have made trial, find 
they anchor and ride safely, and pass up higher into the 
country with great advantage to the inhabitants on 
either side. The principal of them to the northward are 
that at Pemmaquid, and another called Shipscot river, 
above a mile over at the entrance, within twelve miles 
of which to the southward lieth Kennibecke, near a 
league over at the mouth, navigable about sixty miles up 
into the country, or more ; within whose channel are 
several islands, capable to entertain a great number of 
inhabitants. Within a few miles of the aforesaid river 
lieth Casco Bay, a spacious haven about nine leagues over 
at the entrance, and running up near twenty miles within 
its capes. It is filled with a large number of islands, 
some of which are considerable, where seafaring men 
have taken up their habitations. At near twenty miles 
distance to the south, the river of Saco finds its passage 
into the salt sea, at the mouth of which is a notable 
haven, called Winter Harbor, that gives encouragement 
to a number of inhabitants to take their abode there, 
sufficient to make a plantation ; this river is of a consid- 
erable breadth many miles higher into the country. 
The next river of note on that side of the coast, about 
thirty miles from the former, is that called Piscatoqua, 
which hath been frequented ever since the country was 
first planted, by such as came this way lor traffic with 
the inhabitants, natives and others, that have seated 
themselves in several plantations about the uppermost 
branches thereof. The channel is very swift and 
spacious, fit for vessels of great burden for the space of 
near twenty miles, where it divides itself into many con- 
siderable bays and small branches, wiiose streams are 
in their passage obstructed with falls of broken rocks, 


that put a stop to such as at the entrance might, by the 
help of its streams, be in hopes of aspiring higher into 
the inland parts of the country. Merrimack is another 
gallant river, ||twenty|| miles near hand to the southward, 
the entrance into which, though a mile over in breadth, 
is barred with shoals of sand, having two passages that 
lead thereinto, at either end of a sandy island, that li- 
eth over against the mouth of the said river. Near the 
mouth of that, are two other lesser ones, about which 
are seated two considerable towns, the one called New- 
berry, the other Ipswich, either of which have fair chan- 
nels, wherein vessels of fifty or sixty tuns may pass 
up safely to the doors of the inhabitants, whose habit- 
ations are pitched near the banks on either side. Mer- 
rimack is a very stately river near the mouth of it, and 
runs near a hundred miles up into the country, and 
would be of great advantage to many small towns seat- 
ed on several lesser streams that loose themselves in 
its greater channel, were it not for several falls that 
obstruct the quiet passage of the streams before it hath 
run twenty miles within the land ; which disadvantage at- 
tends most of the great rivers of New England, through- 
out the whole country : on the banks of whose streams 
are many veins of very rich and fertile land, that would 
receive abundance more inhabitants, who might live as 
well as in most places of the world, were it not for the 
intolerable burden of transportation of their goods by 
land, for want of navigable channels in those rivers. 
Charles river is the next to be taken notice of, issuing 
its waters into the bottom of the Massachusetts Bay, 
and affords as gallant an harbor near the mouth of it, as 
any river of that bigness in all Christendom, and runs 
up twenty or thirty miles into the country, yet not navi- 
gable above four or five, which makes it less servicea- 
ble to the inhabitants seated up higher upon the banks 
thereof. a More to the southward of Cape Cod are 
very many commodious harbors and havens for ships ; 
and two very great rivers that carry a considerable 
breadth and deep channels above an hundred miles up 
into the country. But by reason of great falls, where the 

|| seventy || 


water forceth its passage over great and steep rocks that 
lie cross over the whole stream, they are made impas- 
sable any higher for any sort of vessels, which is the 
great disadvantage of those that dwell in the upper, or 
more inland, parts of the country. As touching the said 
rivers, the one is called Connecticut, running north and 
south, and distant near an hundred miles from the most 
easterly point of Cape Cod ; first discovered by the 
Dutch, [and] called by them the Fresh River. About 
fifty or sixty miles from the entrance of which, are seated 
the towns of Middleton, Wethersfield, Hartford, and Wind- 
sor, and Springfield about twenty-five miles above them ; 
and between thirty and forty miles above them are seated 
Hadly, Northampton, and Hatfield ; above which were 
Deerefield, and Northfield or ||Squakhegue||, [which] 'for 
sometime were 1 ruined by the Indians, but since planted 
again; all which are accommodated with interval land of an 
excellent soil, and otherwise very desirable, were it not 
for the distance of a market, and difficulty of transpor- 
tation. The other is called Hudson's river, running on 
the same point with the former, so as a west line from 
Boston at the mouth of Charles river, falls directly 
thereupon, near Fort Albany, (lately, while the Dutch 
had the possession, called Fort of Aurania,) near which 
are very great falls, where the channel has a precipice 
down near fifty foot in a right descent ; but how 
much higher that great river comes from within the con- 
tinent, is as yet unknown. At or near the mouth, it 
is above a league over, and carries his breadth with suita- 
ble proportion thereunto, about a hundred and fifty 
miles ; and it is a very stately river upon all accounts, 
but for the inconveniency of sundry falls much inter- 
rupting the passage of the stream, beyond the said 
place of Fort Albany. From the mouth of this, called 
Hudson's river, to the mouth of the former, called Con- 
necticut, runneth a great channel between the main- 
land and that called Long Island, in length making 
about a hundred miles ; in some parts thereof carrying 
a considerable breadth withal 1. Other rivers there are 
besides the aforementioned, not inconsiderable : as that 

|| Squakhet || 
1 Originally written, for the present are. — h. 


called Pequod river, in the bottom of Narraganset Bay, 
where it empties itself into the main ocean, making a 
very goodly haven, near unto which is seated the town 
called New London ; in nothing but the name imitating 
the glory of the mother city, *that mirror* and famous 
mart of Europe, if not of the world, unless in the advantage 
of the stately harbor, and vicinity of the ocean. Twelve 
miles from which, upon the banks of the same river, is 
seated another town, called Norwich. But the stream of 
this water being issued in so small and short a course, 
it is not mentioned as one of the great, rivers of the 
country ; the breadth, a little above the first town, not 
being in any degree proportionable to that it is below, 


Of the temperature of the air and nature of the climate. 

The climate of New England lies in the middle, be- 
tween the frigid and torrid zones, the extremes on either 
hand ; and therefore may be supposed to be in the most 
desirable place of a temperate air, for the advantage 
both of wholesome and delightful living, falling into the 
same latitude with Italy and France : some provinces in 
both which countries in former times being taken for the 
most desirable in the whole universe ; yet, by reason of 
some occult and secret accident, is this country known 
by long experience to partake a little too much of the 
two extremes of heat and cold, proper to the two opposite 
regions on either hand, in those seasons of the year when 
those qualities rise to be most prevailing. Both the 
sea coast and the continent are indifferently mixt of 
mountainous champaign lands, the air thereby becom- 
ing more salubrious, by far, than the next adjoining prov- 
ince of Virginia to the south, which consisteth generally 
both of a lower and richer soil ; it being found by ex- 
perience that the vapors drawn out of the earth in the 
levels and moister parts thereof by the directer beams 
of the sun, and not purified by the ventilating of the air, 
as is usually seen in the higher and more hilly countries, it 
useth to make the places more unwholesome and obnox- 



ious to diseases, which the more hilly countries are 
freed from. The greatest inconvenience of the country 
in respect of the temj3erature of the air, either in sum- 
mer or winter, is judged to arise from the inequality 
thereof, which yet is more discerned in Virginia, a 
country more land locked and that lies not so open to the 
sea, the reason of which is hard to be rendered. The 
heat in the summer and cold in the winter seldom are 
observed to continue in the same degree, but are very 
subject to sudden alterations, from whence many epi- 
demical distempers are known to proceed ofttimes. 
Those hotter countries situate in the torrid zone be- 
tween the two tropics, by the ancient philosophers, up- 
on a mistake of ignorance or want of experience, deter- 
mined to be not habitable, were they not continually fan- 
ned by those they call the trade winds, that continually 
follow the sun, the fiery and sulphureous vapors exhaled 
by the sun beams so directly falling upon the earth, 
would else suffocate the inhabitants : for want of which 
ventilation here, sometimes the summer seasons are 
found more unwholesome and difficult to bear; though 
generally the temperature of the air is, since the planting 
of the country by the English nation, found more mod- 
erate by experience, and much more suitable for the 
constitution of the inhabitants ; however, the complaint 
of the people that dwell therein is for the most part 
more, for being annoyed with the heat of the summer 
than cold of the winter — against the extremity whereof 
ways may be found for men to secure themselves more 
easily than from the extremity of the heat, especially in 
such who are not as yet well naturalized and inured to 
the climate. The frost here useth to visit the inhabit- 
ants so early in the winter, and ordinarily tarries so long 
before it takes its leave in the spring, that the difficulty 
of subsistence is much increased thereby : for it com- 
monly begins to take possession of the earth about the 
middle of November, forbidding the husbandman to 
meddle therewith any more, till the middle or end of 
March, not being willing till that time to resign up its 
possession, or the hold it hath taken for near two foot be- 


low the surface of the earth. However, the purity of 
the air makes amends for the sharpness of the cold, be- 
ing much cleansed in its lower rooms, or chambers, 
which are thoroughly purged thereby, and so is the cli- 
mate preserved from those rotting diseases of coughs and 
consumptions, which other countries, where heat and 
moisture prevails, are more incident unto. By reason of 
this long continued and extreme sharpness of the cold 
through the whole country, the seven months of the 
summer's increase are usually devoured by the five lean 
and barren ones of the winter following, as was shewed 
to Pharoah in his dream ; so as if some stranger should 
chance to be there in the end of every winter, he might 
be ready to think, that all the cattle here were the issue 
of Pharoah's lean kine, that had been transported hither; 
the cattle at that time of the year much resembling the 
wild deer in Greenland, when the bridegroom of the 
earth begins to smile upon them, after the long, cold, and 
dark night of winter begins to take his leave. The un- 
searchable providence of Almighty God is the more to be 
admired, that doth so richly clothe the earth of the coun- 
try in so short a space, that hath been so long before 
dismantled of all the former ornaments and glory, which 
every summer is wont to clothe her withall ; for although 
sometimes it be the middle of May before the fruit trees 
be blossomed out, or the fallowed ground of the fields be 
willing to receive its portion of the seed to be sown or 
planted therein ; yet within three months after, the 
harvest of English grain will be fit for the hand of the 
reaper, and the fruits ready for the hand of the gatherer, 
at the usual appointed season thereof : whence we may 
conclude, that the salubriousness of the air in this coun- 
try depends much upon the winter's frost ; and the 
earth, as to its fruitfulness, is as much beholding to the 
summer's heat, and influence of celestial planets. 





Of the fertility of the soil, with the commodities and other 
advantages of Mew England. 

Since the charter of the gospel was first opened to 
the world, the privileges of which only remain with the 
church, it need not be wondered at if the patents of 
eternal prosperity should be altered, lest they should 
prove, as often they have done before, through man's 
corruption, the hindrance of piety and devotion ; nor is 
it to be expected that the professed followers of the 
Lamb should all of them in this age hear of a land flow- 
ing with milk and honey, when their fore-runners were 
made to fly into the wilderness from the dragon, of 
which sort, in a literal sense, is this place, whither 
Providence hath occasionally brought the inhabitants of 
New England ; yet may they say, that God hath not 
been a wilderness nor a land of darkness unto them 
therein, it being a country capable, with good improve- 
ment, to maintain a nation of people, after once it comes 
to be subdued. As for the soil, it is for the general 
more mountainous and hilly than otherwise, and in many 
places very rocky and full of stones ; yet intermingled 
with many plains and valleys, some of which are sandy 
and inclinable to barrenness, yea, most of them are 
uch ; especially those that abound with pitch pines, and 
there are many of that sort ; as likewise many swamps 
or boggy places, full of small bushes and under-wood. 
But here and there are many rich and fruitful spots of 
land, such as they call interval land, in levels and 
champaign ground, without trees or stones, near the 
banks of great rivers, that oftentimes are overflown by 
the channels of water that run besides them, which is 
supposed to enrich the soil that is so watered: the 
fatness of the earth, that is by the rains and melting 
of the snow washed from the surface of the earth in the 
higher parts of the country, being by these floods cast 
upon those levels, that lie lowest by the sides of these 
greater streams. In many such places their land hath 


been known to be sown or planted full forty years 
together, without any considerable abatement of the 
crop, never failing of thirty or forty bushels per acre : 
but for the generality of the soil, it is of a lighter sort of 
earth, whose fruitfulness is more beholding to the influ- 
ences of the heavens, [and the] advantages of the sea- 
sonable skill and industry of the husbandmen, than [to] 
the strength of its own temper. Such as came hither 
first upon discovery, chanced to be here in the first part 
of the summer, when the earth was only adorned with 
its best attire of herbs and flowers, flourishing with all 
such early fruits which weather-beaten travellers are 
wont to refresh themselves with the beholding of; as 
strawberries, gooseberries, raspberries, cherries, and 
whorts ; as they observed that first landed about Mar- 
tha's Vineyard : whence they promised themselves and 
their successors a very flourishing country, as they did 
that first landed upon the coast of Florida. But as it is 
proverbially said of some parts of England, they do not 
every where abound with mines, though there be lead in 
Mendon Hills : so neither did, or doth, every place abound 
with those flourishing and alluring aspects, nor is the 
country at all times found of the verdant hue, though 
many places do naturally abound with some of those ber- 
ries, as other places with grapes, which gave great hopes 
of fruitful vineyards in after time : but as yet either skill 
is wanting to cultivate and order the roots of those wild 
vines, and reduce them to a pleasant sweetness, or time 
is not yet to be spared to look after the culture of such 
fruits as rather tend to the bend, or melius esse, of a 
place, than to the bare esse, and subsistence thereof: 
each season of the year, so fast, as it were, treading upon 
the heels of that which went before, that little time is to 
be found spare, for that tillage which is not of absolute 
necessity, but for pleasure and delight. Yet are all sorts 
of grain found to grow pretty naturally there, that are 
wont to be sown in the spring season, (the cold ofttimes 
proving so extreme as it kills all that is committed to the 
earth before winter, especially in the Massachusetts col- 
ony.) That which the land produceth upon the surface 


thereof, is that upon which the inhabitants have their de- 
pendence for the most certain part of their wealth : for 
that which is hid in the bowels thereof, the present gen- 
eration either wanting leisure or ability to ransack so deep 
under ground : nor have they that could spare time, and 
have more skill than their neighbors in the nature of 
minerals, met with any thing that promiseth better than 
iron, with which the country every where abounds ; most 
of their ^common^ rocks being observed to be of such a 
^kind of ^ grit — as those in the northern parts, as Acady 
and Nova Francia, are judged to incline as much to cop- 
per, as some that have been on that coast have reported. 
In many places are supposed to be medicinal waters, 
whither, upon the first discovery of such springs, the halt, 
maimed, and diseased did resort frequently, in hope they 
might leave their crutches upon the trees adjoining, as 
the Papists have used to do at the chapel of the Lady of 
Loretto ; but upon the very best experience that hath 
been known, it is conceived that all is but some springs 
passing through iron mines, and have gotten some tincture 
of a chalybiat quality, the pouring down many draughts 
of which is said by some, that have made experiment, to 
have had the same effect with those kind of pills, that are 
given to remove the obstructions of the spleen, and may 
be useful, if the quantity they use to drink down do 
not more harm by the coldness of the potion, than the 
quality of such chymical matters do them good. As 
for medicinal herbs, Gerard a and Johnson, b as well as 
||Theophrastus|| of old, might have made herbals here as 
well as in any other particular country; the same trees, 
plants and * shrubs,* roots, herbs and fruits being found 
either naturally growing here that are known to do in 
the northern countries of the like climate of Europe, and 
upon trial have been found as effectual in their operation, 
and do thrive as well when transplanted ; as the oak, 
walnut, ash, elm, maple, hornbeam, abundance of pine, 
spruce, etc. ; also a kind of white cedar in many swamps; 
and such herbs as are common in England — elecampane, 
angelica, gentian, St. John's wort, agrimony, betony, 
and the like. 1 

|| Theophemus || 
1 Here is a blank of two or three lines in the MS. — h. 


As for living creatures — as the natives were not known 
to bring any along with them, so neither do they keep 
any (but small dogs,) according to the custom of more 
civil nations : so neither were here any found but wild 
deer, and in some places skunks, wild cats, and in some 
places porcupines, a sort of conies, and hares, moose, 
bears, wolves, and now and then a straggling ounce, like 
the tigers in the West Indies. Yet is the place capable 
to breed and nourish all sorts of serviceable beasts and 
cattle, which other parts of the world have subdued and 
tamed, to their use. 

The like may be said of feathered fowl, especially 
such as live upon the water, which abound as much here 
as in any other place. The bird of the greatest rarity 
in this place, if not in the world, is a small one, not ex- 
ceeding the bigness of a great bee, called Humbirds, 
from the noise they make with their wings, while they 
are flying from one flower to another to suck out the 
honey; but never set their feet down. Turkies also, and 
pigeons, (that come in multitudes every summer, almost 
like the quails that fell round the camp of Israel in the 
wilderness,) partridges, quails, and all birds of prey, by 
nature's instinct, or by conduct of Divine Providence, 
have found the way into these ends of the earth, as well 
as into any other part of the habitable world : nor did 
Hircinia Sylva go beyond what is found here for wild 
creatures, it used of old to be haunted with, which since 
is turned into a fruitful and pleasant land ; as this also 
may be in time. Nor is the sea less propitious to the 
mariner and fisherman, than the earth and dry land is all 
over the country to the diligent husbandman — the bays, 
rivers, creeks, [and] havens, abounding with all sorts of 
fish, that the coast of Greenland and Norway, or the 
narrow seas are stored with ; which, as it was the first 
improvement that ever was made of this coast, so it is 
still the most certain and stable commodity the country 
affordeth ; although provisions of all sorts here are plen- 
tiful, and as cheap as in most parts of Europe, great 
quantities of which are daily transported from hence for 
the relief of many other places of the English in the 
West Indies. 



Of the disposition of the natives of America in New Eng- 
land, with the conjectures about their passage hither. 

When God first made man, he gave him a command, 
with a secret promise, to increase and multiply, and re- 
plenish the earth ; of which it is no question but Ameri- 
ca was intended as a part, although probably it was long 
before any of his posterity found the way thither, which 
in the shortest cut they can be supposed to take from 
Eden or Armenia, could not be less than a journey of 
eight or ten thousand miles. But in what age or by 
what means, or by whose conduct they found their pas- 
sage over hither, is not easy, if possible, in this age, to 
find : unless the astrologers can find it in the stars, or 
that it can be gathered from the motion [of] the celestial 
bodies, that lighted them hither; none of the inhabitants 
being ever known to have kept any annals or records of 
things done in fore past times. Nor is it less to be won- 
dered at, that any of the posterity of Adam should lie 
hid so long from the knowledge of the rest of the world. 
It will be impertinent to trouble ourselves with [the] 
uncertain guesses of all those that have busied them- 
selves to make enquiry into this matter. Mr. Mede's 
opinion about the passage of the natives into this remote 
region carries the greatest, probability of truth with it ; 
of whose conjecture it may be said, in a sense as some- 
times of Achitothopell's a counsel in those days, that it 
was as the oracle of God. b His conceit is, that when 
the devil was put out of his throne in the other parts of 
the world, and that the mouth of all his oracles was 
stopped in Europe, Asia, and Africa, he seduced a com- 
pany of silly wretches to follow his conduct into this un- 
known part of the world, where he might lie hid and 
not be disturbed in the idolatrous and abominable, or 
rather diabolical service he expected from those his fol- 
lowers ; for here are no footsteps of any religion 
before the English came, but merely diabolical. Sto- 
ries were delivered by the people of Mexico, the seat of 


Montezuma's Empire, when the Spaniards first seized 
it, which seem to intimate the passage of their ances- 
tors from some other remote place about nine hundred 
years before it was possessed by them, Anno 1498 or 
1500. But which way those people should come is 
hard to say, for the streights of Magellan, we may 
think, are too near one of the frigid zones to give 
opportunity of such a passage ; although it be certain 
that on the south continent, called Nova Guinea, there 
are people inhabiting, as Sir Francis Drake relates in his 
voyage through the Pacific Sea, towards China and 
the East Indies : others therefore more probably conceive, 
that they might find some passage out of Tartaria by the 
streights of Anian beyond California. And that which 
gives not a little countenance to this opinion is, that the 
natives upon this continent do in their manners more 
resemble the Savage Tartar, then any other people what- 
soever; though positively to afiirm any thing in a matter 
so uncertain is not convenient. 

If any observation be made of their manners and 
dispositions, it is easier to say from what nations they 
did not, than from whom they did derive their original. 
Doubtless their conjecture who fancy them to be de- 
scended from the ten tribes of the Israelites, carried 
captive by Salamaneser and Esarhaddon, hath the least 
shew of reason of any other, there being no footsteps to 
be observed of their propinquity to them more than to 
any other of the tribes of the earth, either as to their 
language or manners. No instance can be given of 
any nation in the world that hath so far degenerated 
from the purity of their original tongue in 1500 or 
2000 years, but that there may be observed some 
rudiments of the ancient language, as may be seen in 
! the Greek and Latin tongues, though they are now utter- 
I ly lost as to the purity of them ; yet it is easy to trace 
either of them amongst the nations since descended 
from those that naturally spoke the language ; but here 
can no such thing be observed among the natives of 
America. Besides, here are found no footsteps of the 
idolatry or rites of any religious worship the people had 


degenerated into, nor are any other customs here to be 
observed, that bespeak any relation to that stock, more 
than to any other people, unless it be polygamy, which 
yet was no more peculiar to the Jews than to all other na- 
tions of the East. It is certainly known also, that within 
two hundred miles compass their language is nothing 
akin ; so as one nation of the natives can no more under- 
stand the language of them that live a hundred miles from 
them, unless a little upon the sea coast, than if they spake 
Greek or Welch ; as is evident to them that have been 
amongst the Mohawks, who live not above a hundred 
miles westwards ] from the sea coast r 1 yet their language 
is different one from the other, as the English is from 
the Welch. In general their disposition and temper, or 
inclination, is much what the same all over New Eng- 
land, being neither so sottish as those amongst the ne- i 
groes, nor yet so fierce and warlike as some of the north- 
ern Tartars and Scythians. They are indifferently affable | 
and courteous, yet subtle and strangely revengeful, and 
malicious. A small kindness will oblige them for a 
whole generation ; and as little an injury, or suspicion 
thereof, will work in them a deadly hatred and opposi- 
tion ; in whom, if once a spirit of jealousy arise against 
any person or people, it is scarce possible to allay 
it. They are very treacherous, deceitful, and cruel 
withal, when they get any of their enemies into their 
hands; i being their usual course to torture them 
with cutting and mangling their flesh, whom they intend 
to sacrifice to their malicious genius, and burning the 
wounded parts with coals and hot embers, as it were 
carbonading their flesh while they are alive ; yet so ob- 
durate are they that they never use to express any sense 
of pain, while the most exquisite torments of that na- 
ture are inflicted upon them. But for eating of man's 
flesh, it was never of use amongst any of them since the 
English had any interest here. Many of them are very 
active and quick of apprehension in any mechanical sci- 
ence, which, with a little observation they attain, working 
in iron, brass, [and] pewter, as well as in timber; but have 
been accustomed to such a lazy, idle kind of life, leaving 

1 First written,// om the north parts. — h. 


all their drudgery and laborious work to their w mon, 
that it is rare to find any of them that care to be held 
to any constant employment or bodily labor a whole day 
together. As for our religion, some, yet a few of them, 
have seemed seriously to embrace it; but until they 
be reduced to more civility some judicious persons have 
conceived no great harvest is to be expected of real 
converts, which, for the future, must be left to the ob- 
servation of them that come after, there being little 
progress made that way for the present, notwithstanding 
that many endeavors have been made in that kind ; of 
which more afterwards. 


Of the several nations of the Indians found in New Eng- 
land upon the first discovery thereof; with a touch upon 
their laws, government, and successions. 

The northern parts of America were never observ- 
ed, by any of the first discoverers, to be alike populous 
with the southern, the land there being less fruitful, 
and the winters more tedious and severe, so as such 
multitudes could not herd together as was found about 
Mexico and Peru, where little care need be taken either 
for meat or clothing, and not only the soil, being far 
more rich, but the season, being always summer in those 
parts, and affording more crops in a year than one, 
greater numbers might more easily be maintained to- 
gether. But for those parts that lie more northward, 
they w T ere, when the English first discovered them, never 
observed to be any thing so populous, nor were any 
great numbers ever known to be reduced under any one 
general head, their government being rather patriarchal 
than monarchical ; that is, some family is commonly 
found || to be predominate|| above others, of which the 
eldest heir hath the sole and absolute government and 
rule over the rest, w 7 hom they use to call sagamore or 
sachem. The Indians of every noted place, so combined, 
make a kind of a petty lordship, and are commonly 
united || 2 in|| one chief person, who hath the rule over all 
those lesser fraternities or companies. In the places 

|| to predominate || || 2 under || 


more eastward they called the chief rulers that com- 
manded the rest, bashabeas, as in the more westward 
plantations they called them sagamores and sachems ; 
and that government they have is likewise rather arbi- 
trary and customary, than limited by any laws or con- 
stitution known beforehand: so as they depend upon i 
the absolute will of their chieftains. As for succession, 
it is rather collateral than direct. When the English 
first settled any plantations along the coast since called 
New England, there were several nations of these In- 
dians that were in some kind of confederacy one with 
another, against some other of their potent neighbors, 
that were at enmity, and commonly they agreed to be at 
peace with those that spake the same language. Those 
that were seated more eastward about Pemmaquid and 
Kennebecke were called Tarratines, betwixt whom and 
those that lived about Pascatoqua, Merrimack, and Aga- 
wam, now called Ipswich, had arisen some deadly feud, 
upon the account of some treachery used by those west- 
ern Indians against the others ; so as every year they 
were afraid of being surprised by them, which made 
them upon every occasion to hide themselves among the 
English, after they w T ere settled in any of those places. 

Every noted place of fishing or hunting was usually 
a distinct seigniory, and thither all their friends and 
allies of the neighboring provinces used to resort 
in time of year to attend those seasons, partly for recrea- 
tion, and partly to make provision for the year. .Such 
places as they chose for their abode, were usually at the 
falls of great rivers, or near the sea side, where was any 
convenience of catching such fish as every summer and 
winter used to come upon the coast, at which times 
they used, like good fellows, to make all common ; and 
then those who had entertained their neighbors by the 
sea side, expected the like kindness from them again, 
up higher in the country: and they were wont to have 
their great dances for mirth at those general meetings. 
With such kind of intercourses were their affairs and com- 
merce carried on, between those that lived up in the coun- 
try, and those that were seated on the sea coast, about 


the havens and channels that issued into the sea ; where 
there used to be at all times, clams, muscles, and oys- 
ters, and in the summer season lobsters, bass, or mullet, 
and sturgeon, of which they used to take great plenty, 
and dry them in the smoke, and keep them the rest of 
the year. Up higher, at the falls of great rivers, they 
used to take salmon, shad, [and] alewives, that use in 
great quantities, more than cart loads, in the spring to 
pass up into the fresh water ponds and lakes, therein to 
spawn, of all' which they, with their wares, used to take 
great store for their use. In all such places there was 
wont to be great resort. In time of year for their de- 
nomination, they use to be divided, as the clans in Scot- 
land, by the head of the tribes, and called after their 
names. Every son of such a chief person used, if he 
could, to get a company to him, of which he also made 
himself the sagamore. 

[Large blank.] 

At every of these places there used to be, if commo- 
dious, about an hundred or two hundred inhabitants, 
who had a sagamore over them, whom they acknowledged 
as their chief; and commonly in every province where 
the tribe was greater, there was some greater sagamore, 
to whom the rest owed more reverence than to the 
lesser, whom they called sachem. So as things of com- 
mon concernment were acted by common consent and 
agreement, and in such cases they used to be mutually 
engaged to assist each other in time of danger. 

Betwixt Kenebecke and Connecticut were observed 
to be about twenty societies, or companies, of these sav- 
ages, when the English first came upon this coast, to 
which all the rest may be reduced, all of them together 
not being capable to make a nation. As, first, at Keni- 
beecke itself, where was a great number of them when it 
was first discovered, who were only known to those of the 
Massachusetts by the name of Tarratines,or Eastern men. 

2. Casco bay, at the head of which, or near by about 
Shipscot* river, was the seat of [the] Amorascoggan In- 
dians, still standing out in hostility against the English, in 

* Pegipscot, margin.— Ed. 



the year 1677, after all the rest were either subdued or 
fled away, if they have not lately concluded a peace 
with our agents. 3. Saco a more noted river than 
many Others, which always was wont to entertain a saga- 
more, with a considerable number of Indians. 4. Pas- 
cataqua, which being a navigable river, and into which 
many lesser channels used to empty themselves, w r as a 
fit seat for many tribes of them. 5. Merrimack, w 7 here 
were several receptacles of them, some twenty and thirty, 
some forty or fifty, miles from the mouth of it, as Wam- 
meset, Pentucket, Patucket, Amoskeag, Pennicooke, etc. 
6. The river of Newberry, at the falls of which was a 
noted plantation of them, by reason of the plenty offish, 
that almost at all seasons of the year used to be found 
there, both in winter and summer. 7. At Agawam, called 
now Ipswich, was another noted and desirable place, for 
plenty of several sorts of fish found there in time of 
year, both at the harbor's mouth shell fish of all sorts, 
and other kinds higher up the stream, and to which be- 
longed those of Newbery falls that lies in the midway, 
betwixt Merrimack and Agawam. 8. Naumkeag, now 
called Salem, ||as|| much frequented by the savages in 
former times, together with Marblehead and Lin, near 
adjoining, which Lin had a distinct sagamore of their 
own, surviving till of late, called George, and the In- 
dians' name of the place was Saugust. 9. The Massa- 
chusetts, at or near the mouth of Charles river, where 
used to be the general rendezvous of all the Indians, 
both on the south and north side of the country, §about^ 
that which by the English is called Charles river, a || 9 at|| the 
bottom of || 3 the|| great bay that runs in between Cape 
Cod and Cape Ann, and was the seat of a great sachem or 
sagamore, much reverenced by all the plantations of the 
Indians ; near by to which were Narponset, Punkapog, 
Wessagusquasset, and so up Charles river, where were 
several plantations of the natives seated. At Misticke 
was the seat of another sagamore, near adjoining which 
is a great creek, that meets with the mouth of Charles 
river, and so makes the haven of Boston. 10. Poka- 
nacket or Sowams, the seat of the Wompanoogs, of 

11 was || H'isjl || 3 that || 


whom Woosamequen or Massasoit was the chief sa- 
chem, Anno 1620, whose son was the author of the 
rebellion of the Indians, 1675; which fire, kindled 
first there, did soon run over all the country. 11. 
Those called Nipnetts, seated amongst some lesser rivers 
and great lakes up higher, within the continent, which 
some have said were a kind of tributaries to Massasojt. 
12. The Narraganssetts, a great people upon the sea coast 
more towards the mouth of [the] Connecticut, consist- 
ing of several lesser principalities, yet all united under 
one general ruler, called the Chief Sachem, to whom all 
the others owed some kind of subjection. It is said 
that before they were destroyed by their late quarrelling 
with the English, they had about two thousand fighting 
men, of all which now there are few or none left, but 
a hundred or two, belonging to Ninigret, who, though 
he secretly bore the English no more good will than 
the rest, yet being an old man, and cunning, and remem- 
bering how his neighbors, the Pequods, were ruined by 
their power, durst never engage against them, but al- 
ways professed and maintained friendship to the last, 
in outward appearance. 13. The Pequods, seated on a 
brave river beyond the Narragansetts, a more fierce and 
warlike people than any of their neighbors, and there- 
fore made them all stand in awe, though fewer in num- 
ber than the Narraganssetts, that bordered next upon 
them. 14. The Mohigins, whose seat is between the 
country of the Pequods and the river of Connecticut, 
upon some higher branches of that called Pequod river. 
15. The River Indians, such who had seated themselves 
in several commodious plantations up higher upon Con- 
necticut river. 16. The Cape Indians, upon Cape Cod 
and some other islands near adjoining, as at Martin's 
Vineyard, where civility and Christianity hath taken a 
deeper root than in any other plantation of the Indians. 
17. The Moheganders about Hudson's river. 18. The 
Cynikers,* upon the same river, more westward. 19. 
The Moquawes, commonly called the Mohawkes, whose 
seat is amongst the rivers and ponds, about seventy miles 

* Senecas.— Ed 


northwest from fort Albany. These have lately renewed, 
or continued, a league tripartite with the Governor of 
New York and the rest of the English, both offensive 
and defensive. What is like to be the benefit and issue 
thereof future time may declare. 20. The Indians on 
Long Island, and on the main opposite thereunto, 
along the sea coast from Connecticut to Hudson's river, 
of whom they that live about the mouth of || that || great 
river, and on the island near adjoining, were always ac- 
counted more barbarous, treacherous, and false, than any 
other sort of them. 

Concerning the right of succession and inheritance, it 
is not certainly known, nor is it worth the enquiring 
after; however, it is said by some, that brothers inherit 
successively before the sons, and the uncles before the 
nephews, following therein the custom of their ances- 
tors, their poverty, and barbarous manner of living, not 
affording opportunity, for want of means, to run into 
many capital evils, which the wealth of other nations 
doth dispose them unto. Few or no crimes have been 
observed, besides murder and treason, amongst them to 
be punished with death, which seems to have been a 
law in force among all nations, since the Almighty 
destroyed the world with a flood, to purge away its 
guilt and defilement, contracted by the violence and 
cruelty of bloodshed, and soon after enacting the 
standing law so necessary for the upholding human soci- 
ety, that " whosoever sheds man's blood, by man shall his 
blood be shed." 1 But their inhabitants being so poor 
and mean, and their manner of life so uncult and 
brutish, it is scarce worth the while to enquire farther 
into the way of their successions thereunto, or the laws 
and customs whereby they use to be maintained and 
governed in the possession of them. As for their re- 
ligion, they never were observed by any of the first com- 
ers or others, to have any other but what was diabolical, 
and so uncouth, as if it were framed and devised by the 
devil himself, and is transacted by them they used to 
call pawwowes, by some kind of familiarity with the 
devil, and to whom they used to resort for counsel in 


' Genesis ix. 6. — h. 


all kind of evils, both corporal and civil. It is not worth 
the while either to write or read what it was, all of it de- 
pending on the uncertain reports of some occasional spec- 
tators ; but nothing unclean or filthy, like the heathen's 
feasts of Bacchus and Venus, was ever heard of amongst 
any of them. Their low and mean diet and fare, (be- 
ing always accustomed to drink water,) not disposing 
them to any inordinacy in that kind, as used to be said 
of old, " Sine Baccho et Cerere friget Venus ;" * i. e. ebri- 
ety and gluttony produces venery. a 

[Very large blank .] 1 j. 6 *3F ^ ^V 


Of the first planting of New-England, or any part 
thereof by the English, 

After the expense of much treasure, time, and pains 
in the discovery of that part of America called Virginia, 
that lieth to the north of Florida, some eminent and 
worthy persons, (moved more by a religious zeal to 
propagate the gospel, and promote the glory of the 
English nation, than any emulation of their catholic 
neighbors of Spain,) entertained serious thoughts of 
planting colonies of their countrymen in that part of the 
new world. That vast country being found upon expe- 
rience and trial too large to be moulded into one entire 
government, (the whole extending from 34 to 48 de- 
grees of north latitude,) it was thought meet should be 
divided into a first and second colony, to which end 
patents were granted to sundry honorable persons of the 
famous cities of London, Bristol, [and] Exeter, and town 
of Plymouth, about the year 1606, soon after which time 
the name of New England began to be appropriated to 
the north colony by the renowned Prince of Wales, 
after captain Smith discovered the bounds thereof, as 
some say, about the year 1614 ; the other still retaining 
the first name, Virginia. This latter, by the fertility of the 
soil and commodiousness of the havens and rivers, giving 
greatest hopes of prosperity and success, was under- 
taken by those of London, whose adventures, difficulties, 

1 Terence, Eunuch. Act. IV. Sc. v. ver. 6. — h. 


and present estate, those that desire may receive *present* 
satisfaction of, by the information of those who have for a 
long time been conversant in the country; the other by 
those of the west of England, whose endeavors were 
influenced chiefly by the interest and authority of the 
honorable patron of justice and virtue, Sir John Popham, 
Lord Chief Justice of England, who found both men 
and means to possess it, about the year 1606, and 1607, 
when a small colony was by him sent out for that end, 
for beside the first ship sent in 1606, two more were sent 
after them in the year 1607, and sometime after a .third, 3 
as saith Captain Smith, pag. 203. And then finding the 
situation of the place most commodious for fishing, (as 
having in sundry voyages made trial thereof,) intended 
to begin their first plantation about Monhiggin, an island 
not far distant from the mouth of a spacious river called 
Kenebecke, a place somewhere about the mouth whereof 
was then, and is still called Sacadehocke, and there was 
the first company that intended to begin a new colony 
in the north of America landed, about a hundred in all, 
Anno 1606 or 1607. The gentlemen that undertook 
the business had shaped in their minds the idea of a 
large and flourishing commonwealth, sending persons of 
quality to reside there as Commanders in Chief, as 
Capt. George Popham for President, Capt. Rawley Gil- 
bert for Admiral, Capt. Edward Harlow for Master of 
the Ordnance, Capt. Robert Davis for Sergeant Major, 
and for Marshal, Capt. Ellis Best, and for Secretary, Mr. 
Seaman. Capt. James Davis was to be commander 
over the fort when it was built, Mr. Gome Carew was to 
be Searcher. All the forementioned gentlemen were to 
be of the Council, who with a hundred more as planters 
of the Colony, were to stay in the country. By their en- 
deavors was a foundation laid of a greater building than 
the adventurers ever found means to erect, the master 
builders too much imitating those, that laid out so much 
cost upon the gates, that they had not enough left to 
build a city proportionable thereunto. Experiences of 
this nature abundantly declare, that it is one thing, in 
an idea, to model the great affair of a commonwealth 


and country, and another to bring materials and frame 
them together into a flourishing state ; for the hopes of 
this new colony, that blossomed so early were soon nip- 
ped in the bud by the sharpness of a cold winter following, 
wherein they lost the President, an ominous accident, 
which, with other solemn occurrences, blasted all that 
which, with so great shew of prosperity was there newly 
planted, especially being attended with the unwelcome 
news of the removal by death of the main pillar of the 
fabric, Sir John Popham, a happening together with the 
loss of Sir John Gilbert, whose brother, Capt. Rawley 
Gilbert, designed Admiral of this puny plantation, upon 
the first bruit thereof, hasted over to enjoy the inherit- 
ance of his deceased brother. And indeed the season- 
ing of a hard winter in that barren, rocky, and moun- 
tainous desert, so discouraged all the rest, that they 
took the first advantage of shipping that next came to re- 
turn home for England the following year, viz. Anno 1608. 
All the fruit of this their expedition, during the long win- 
ter and the after time of their abode there, was building a 
bark, which afforded them some advantage in their re- 
turn. Yet did Sir Francis Popham, son and heir of that 
noble patriot, his father, the chief author of the under- 
taking, not wholly give over the design, but did divers 
times afterwards send to the same coast for trade and 
fishing, to which purpose he had great opportunity, by 
the ships and provision of the company, that remained in 
his hands ; as likewise did the Earl of South-hampton, and 
others of more public spirits, that employed Mr. Ed- 
ward Harlow soon after, 1 to make further discovery of 
the southern parts of Cape Cod, where they resolved 
themselves that the said cape was no island, as was 
deemed before, but a part of the continent. In this en- 
terprise they seized three of the savages, which, proba- 
bly, were the three an old woman complained of after- 
wards to our neighbors of Plymouth, soon after the first 
planting of Patuxit, viz. in the year 1620 ; b but one of 
them escaping, he enticed some of his consorts to take 
revenge of that unkindness, who cut away the boat from 
the stern of the ship, which they so guarded with their 

1 In 1611, says Prince, p. 126. — h. 


bows and arrows, that the sailors were not able to get it 
again. At another place, they with two or three more, 
so filled their fellow Indians with a spirit of revenge, that 
they welcomed the English into the next harbor they 
entered with such a shower of arrows, that they were 
glad to betake themselves to their artillery, to keep off 
the savages. At one of the islands at Cape Cod, 
(by Capt. Smith called || Nohono ||) they took in 
that voyage an Indian called Sakaweston, who, 
after he had lived divers years in England, went a 
soldier into the wars of Bohemia, as saitfi Capt. Smith. 
Thus the said Harlow returned for England with five 
of the savages, some of which they detained so long in 
England that they began to learn our language, and were 
able to inform our merchants sundry things concerning 
their country, which inspired them with a fresh resolu- 
tion to attempt another plantation in the place formerly 
deserted, but with not much helter success ; for Capt. 
Smith having endeavored to settle a plantation upon 
James River in Virginia, was not unwilling to set the 
design afloat for New England a second time. For such 
an end he was sent with two ships to take a farther view 
of the country, Anno 1614% at the charge of Capt. Mar- 
maduke Royden, and the others, viz. Mr. Langham, 
|| 2 Buley, Skelton,|| and others, to make some further ex- 
periment of the commodities of the country, both by sea 
and land, in the waters of one to kill whales, in the bowels 
of the other to search for mines ; but their best refuge 
was their common fishing and ordinary furs, those 
places use mostto abound withal. Captain Smith return- 
ed the same year for England, well laden with furs, 
train oil, and core fish, and his mind as full fraught with 
hopes of great advantage the next return ; but, as the 
wise mansaith, " riches are not always to men of under- 
standing, nor favor or prosperity to men of skill, for 
time and chance happeneth to them all." 1 When the said 
Smith returned for England, 2 he left one Thomas Hunt 
master of the bigger vessel, with order to sail directly, 
with the fish he made upon the coast, for Malaga, but 
he, like a wicked varlet, having gotten twenty-four of 

II Nohone || || * Buley Skelton || 

1 Ecclesiastes ix. 11.— h. * July 18th.— h 


the natives aboard his ship, from Patuxit, (who, in con- 
fidence of his honesty, had thus innocently put them- 
selves into his hands,) clapped them under hatches, with 
intent to sell them for slaves amongst the Spaniards ; 
but they not permitting him to make sale of the poor 
wretches in any of their ports, 1 some of them found means 
to escape back to their own country: but in the year fol- 
lowing, some that had conceived better hopes of good 
that might ensue by prosecuting the former honorable 
and pious work, having dispatched Capt. Hobson from 
the Isle of Wight, with some others, to make a farther 
attempt for planting the country, they carried with them 
two of the aforesaid natives to facilitate the work. 
These, contrary to expectation, find their design as good 
as overthrown, before it was well begun, by that treach- 
erous practice of Hunt : for, the two natives coming 
ashore, and understanding what had befallen their coun- 
trymen in their absence, contracted such a hatred against 
the whole nation, that they studied nothing but how to be 
revenged of them ; contriving secretly with their friends 
how to bring it to pass, which no doubt they might easily 
have done, had not one of them, Manowet by name, been 
taken away by death soon after the ship's arrival there : 
but the other, called Epenow, observing the good order 
and strong guard the people kept, studied only for the 
present how to free himself from the Englishmen's hands; 
and laid his plot so cunningly that he effected his pur- 
pose ; although with so great hazard to himself and those 
his friends, w 7 ho labored his rescue, that the Captain and 
his company imagined he had been slain. Their design, 
not being well compassed, wrought the slaughter of some 
of their own people, as well as the hurt of some of the 
English, as appeared afterwards. ||The|| company, 
together with Capt. Hobson, looking upon the end of 
their attempt as wholly frustrate by || a this|| cross accident, 
resolved, without more ado, to return home, carrying 
back nothing with them but the news of their bad suc- 
cess. And a war now began between the inhabitants of 
these parts and the English. Thus was this little spark 
of their hopes, raked up in the embers of those long and 

UThisJl H'thell 

1 First written, parts. — h. 


tedious delays, by this misfortune almost quite extin- 
guished. But this is not all, for another occurrent fell 
in here, which was as disastrous in a manner as the 
former. The company of New England had, in the re- 
turn of the year 1615, found means likewise to set out 
Capt. Smith, with Mr. Darmer, Rocraft and others, with 
a ship from Plymouth ; either to lay the foundation of a 
new plantation, or strengthen and second that of Capt. 
Hobson ; but they being scarce free of the English coast, 
were suddenly attacked by a violent storm, shaking his 
mast overboard, which forced him back into the harbor, 
where the undertakers furnishing them with another 
ship, they put. to sea a second time ; but after they got to 
the height of the Western Islands, they were chased by 
a French 8 pirate, w r ho took them prisoners, and detained 
them so long that their voyage was wholly overthrown ; 
nor do we find that ever Capt. Smith had an opportunity 
in his own person afterwards to visit these coasts of New 
England, though his inclination and purpose ran strongly 
that way. However, Capt. Darmer, meeting with some 
one or more of those natives transported by Hunt, and 
encouraged by Capt. Mason, at that time Governor of 
||Newfoundland,|| carried them to Plymouth, from whence 
he was sent again to New England, where, about the 
year 1619, by his prudence and great diligence, he pro- 
cured a peace between our men and the savages of the 
place, that had been so much exasperated against them 
by the wrongs formerly received. This industrious and 
prudent gentleman, having spent almost two years in 
searching the coast between New England and Virginia, 
the fruit of whose labors and hazards many others have 
since reaped, was at the last, in his return to Virginia, 
set upon by some malicious savages in some parts beyond 
Cape Cod, from whom he receiving fourteen or fifteen 
wounds, upon which occasion, retiring to Virginia, he 
there ended his days, about the year 1621. What ex- 
peditions were made by the English, or attempts to 
plant any part of the country between the year 1614 and 
1620, may be seen more at large in Purchas, fol. 1778, 
and in Capt. Smith's General History of New England, 

|| New England. || 


lib. 6, pag. 228 &229 ; as likewise in a Script, published 
[in] 1622, in the name of the Governor and Company of 
New England. But they being, at the best, matters very 
inconsiderable and of small consequence, relating to the 
plantations that followed after that time, it is judged not 
worth the while to transcribe out of those imperfect re- 
lations any other particulars about those transactions, 
which may well be looked upon rather as dead and su- 
perfluous branches of the body of the following history, 
than any thing likely to confer much delight to the rea- 
der, or benefit to the compiler thereof. 


Of the Plantation at Patuxit, or New Plymouth, in the 
year 1620, with the occasions that led thereunto. 

The fore mentioned discoveries of the north parts 
of Virginia, being bruited abroad amongst the western 
country of Europe, no doubt filled the minds of many 
with expectations of famous plantations likely ere long 
to be erected in those parts of the new world : " Est 
enim natura hominum novitatis avida : " or, whether 
some divine virtue had inspired them with a desire of be- 
ing instruments to promote some higher ends than ever 
as yet had been brought to light — all former attempts 
for planting those parts being vanished away, or like to 
come to little, about this time a strange impression 
was left upon the minds of some religious and well af- 
fected persons of the English nation, sojourning in a 
foreign country, that some place in that remote region 
might be found out far more convenient for their pur- 
pose, that seemed studious for reformation, than hitherto 
they elsewhere either had, or were like to attain unto, 
lunder the wings of a foreign state. Which consideration, 
for as much as it gave the first rise to the flourishing 
plantations of New England, since erected, we shall, in 
the first place, take a little notice of the occasion that 
led thereunto. 

Notwithstanding the bright and clear rays of the Gos- 
pel light, that began to dawn and diffuse themselves 


through the whole hemisphere of the English nation, 
promising an hopeful day of reformation to arise upon 
them after the long night of antichristian darkness, in 
the glorious reign of our English Josiah, king Edward 
the 6th, and Queen Elizabeth of blessed and famous 
memory ; yet were not all that had opportunity to sit 
under the shadow of their royal authority so well satis- 
fied with every part of that so happy and hopeful refor- 
mation by them begun, as to rest contented, without 
strenuous endeavors to shape and mould the business of 
church discipline more to the primitive pattern. There- 
fore sundry of them, having wearied themselves with 
their private contrivements all the whole reign of Queen 
Elizabeth, and finding little hope of bettering their con- 
dition under her successor, resolved to try, if change of 
air would not afford a remedy to the distemper at last, to 
their grievances and burdens they labored under at 
home. Divers therefore of that, persuasion, that had 
about the year 1602 entered into a private covenant, first 
in the north of England, then in the Netherlands, Ann. 
1610, to walk with God and one with another, according 
to the best and primitive patterns (as they conceived) of 
the word of God, finding the low and watery situation of 
that country as unwholesome and infectious to their bo- 
dies, and [the] national ||vices|| of the place [as] dangerous 
for their minds, by reason of bad example, as those of their 
own country [were] uncomfortable for their purses and 
estates, by reason of opposition, they at last projected the 
transporting themselves and their families into America, 
hoping by that means that if not all, yet the greatest and 
more general ends to be aimed at in reformation, might 
better be provided for, in a place of their own, free from 
all former inconveniences. The persons engaged in this 
design were Mr. Robinson's church, that ten years before 
settled at Leyden in Holland. The said Robinson, to give 
him his due, was a man of good learning, of a polished wit, 
and ingenious disposition and courteous behavior, yet not 
without ^too^ great tinctures of the Censorious* spirit of 
their rigid separation, as is too well known by sundry of 
his writings, published to the world about those times : 


yet doth he deserve commendation in this, that although 
he had been transported so far with those principles as 
to publish his opinion against hearing any of the preach- 
ers of the Church of England, were they never so learn- 
ed and pious ; yea to that confidence was he arrived, that 
he began to play with Dr. Ames's name, styling him 
in one of his pamphlets, " Mr. William Amiss ; " yet 
after the Doctor had taken him to task, and showed him 
his great mistake, in his unanswerable piece, called " A 
manuduction to Mr. Robinson," and finding himself 
unable to grapple any longer with so great a master of 
reason, he submitted, not being willing to speak any 
thing against the truth, that had been, by the help of an 
antagonist, discovered unto him. Yea farther, he came 
afterwards to acknowledge, and in a judicious and god- 
ly discourse to approve and defend, the lawful liberty, if 
not the duty, in case of hearing the godly preachers of 
the Church of England. Thus like Paul he preached 
that, which he had with his pen persecuted before ; like 
some fruit, that before it is ripe is harsh, sour, and un- 
pleasant, till it attain, by the advantage of after time, to 
the mildness and sweetness of riper age ; as was observ- 
ed in this good man, who, as he grew in years, grew in 
many excellent gifts, both of nature and grace, and great 
moderation of spirit in regard of what he manifested in 
former time, which was not often found in them of that 
rigid persuasion. This passage is intended as rather 
matter of commendation than reflection upon that emi- 
nent person, or any of the Christian brethren of his 
church. To proceed, therefore, there was one Mr. 
Brewster, a prudent, grave, and serious Christian, of 
great experience in things of religion, and a man of a 
finer alloy than the ordinary sort of the Separation, hav- 
ing had no small advantage by his education under Sec- 
retary Davison, in the court of Queen Elizabeth, that 
was joined with the said Mr. Robinson in the eldership, 
by whose prudence and discretion that church was kept 
in sweet and entire union and accord, both before and 
after their parting asunder, contrary to the manner and 
custom of some of that persuasion in Holland, as may ap- 



pear by the testimony given them by those amongst 
whom they sojourned before in Leyden, ||of which see|| 
Morton, page 4 of New England's Memorial. The 
reasons of their removal were debated both in || 2 private 
and public||, and found more weighty than could readily 
be answered, in so much as a very great and considerable 
part of the church were persuaded to attend the motion, 
apprehending it to be from God ; and if their minds had 
not been fully satisfied therein, it had been scarce possi- 
ble for them to have gotten over so many difficulties 
and sore trials as they encountered with through the 
whole undertakings. — As for the reasons which prevailed 
with them to leave Holland, the principal were these 
— difference of language, difficulty of subsistence, haz- 
arding of posterity, which they feared might come to 
pass, and at last occasion their losing their interest in the 
English nation ; they being desirous (how differing soev- 
er they were in the persuasion of some matters of disci- 
pline) to live under their natural Prince, and, if it might 
be, to enlarge his Majesty's dominions ; having also 
some hope and inward zeal by this means to propagate 
the gospel, promote and advance the kingdom of the 
Lord Jesus Christ amongst the barbarous inhabitants of 
these remote parts of the world — in which good work 
it is hoped they have not failed of their expectation alto- 
gether. After they had, upon the reasons aforemention- 
ed, resolved upon their " terminus §a^ quo," viz. to leave 
Holland, the next and no less difficult question was the 
"terminus ad quern," where to find a place, in which they 
might securely promise themselves a freedom from the 
former evils they had long groaned under, and an oppor- 
tunity of enjoying the contrary benefits so much desir- 
ed, viz. the liberty of a civil as well as ecclesiastical gov- 
ernment, which they found by sad experience was not 
to be obtained or expected in any foreign nation of Eu- 
rope : therefore they in the general concluded to inquire 
after some place that had not formerly been inhabited ; 
and again they were divided in their opinions. Some of 
their company, and those none of the meanest, were for 
Guiana in the West Indies, a rich and fertile soil or 

|| as we see || || * public and private || 


country, blessed with a perpetual spring, where the earth 
bringeth forth abundance of all things necessary for the 
life of man, with little labor or art. But the greater 
part, considering that those hot countries were incident 
to sundry diseases, and in other respects very unsuitable 
to English bodies, beside the neighborhood of Spaniards, 
which they had little reason to desire, who, though they 
had not as yet, but soon might, possess themselves of 
that part of America, and might displant them, as they 
had done the French in Florida ; therefore it was deter- 
mined at last to find out some place bordering upon Vir- 
ginia, then newly, or not many years before, discovered 
and planted. There they hoped to find liberty for a dis- 
tinct colony under the general government of Virginia ; 
and also the free exercise of their religion, which they 
conceived probable to be attained by some of their friends, 
upon suit to his Majesty ; of which they were put in no 
small hope by some persons of great rank and quality, 
who w 7 ere made their friends. In pursuance of this con- 
sideration, two were chosen out of their company and 
sent to England, at the charge of the rest, to solicit the 
matter ; who found the Virginia Company very desirous 
to promote their going thither, promising to grant them 
a Patent, with as ample privileges, as they had or could 
grant to any ; and some of the chief of that Company 
doubted not but to obtain their suit to the King for lib- 
erty of their religion, how averse so ever he had always 
been to the settling of it in England. Sir Robert Nan- 
ton, at that time one of the chief Secretaries of State, 
with some others, who had interest with 1 the Archbishop 
of Canterbury, 2 were employed therein ; by whose medi- 
ation they had a promise of a conveniency upon their 
peaceable carrying under the civil government ; upon 
which intimation they were encouraged to proceed on,, 
presuming they might be allowed to plant themselves 
within some parts of those bounds, without molestation. 
This course they looked upon as most probable, con- 
ceiving they might there as safely rest in God's provi- 
dence, as in other things. Upon this resolution other 
messengers were sent over to issue the business w 7 ith 

1 In in the MS.— h. 2 Dr. George Abbot. — h. 


the Virginia Company, as well as they could, and pro- 
cure a Patent, with as good and ample conditions as 
might be by any good means obtained, as also to treat 
and conclude with such merchants and other friends as 
had manifested their forwardness to provoke unto, and 
adventure in, this voyage, giving them instructions how 
far they should proceed before they returned for farther 
advice. One of the principal persons, with whom they 
were concerned of the Virginia Company, was Sir Ed- 
win Sandys, by whose letter, directed to Mr. Robinson 
and Mr. Brewster, the pastor and elder of their church, 
it may be seen how willing they were to encourage them 
in this matter. 

After my hearty salutations, — the agents of ||your|| 
congregation, Robert Cushman and John Carver, have 
been in communication with divers select gentlemen 
of his Majesty's Council for Virginia, and by [the] 
writing of seven articles, subscribed with || 9 your|] names, 
have given them that good degree of satisfaction, which 
hath carried them on with a resolution to set forward 
[| 3 your || desire in the best sort that may be, for your 
own and the public good ; a divers particulars whereof 
we leave to their faithful report, having carried them- 
selves here with that good discretion, as is both to their 
own and their credit from whom they came. b And 
whereas, being to treat for a multitude of people, they 
have requested further time to confer with them that are 
to be interested in this action about the several particu- 
lars which in the prosecution thereof will fall out con- 
siderable, it hath been very willingly assented unto ; d 
and so they do now return unto d you. If therefore it may 
please God so to direct your desires, as that on your parts 
there fall out no just impediments, I trust by the same 
direction it shall likewise appear that on our parts all for- 
wardness to set you forward shall be found in the best sort 
which with reason may be expected. And so I betake you 
with this design, (which I hope verily is the work of God,) 
to the gracious protection and blessing of the Highest. 
Your very loving friend, 

Edwin Sandys. 6 

London, || 4 November 12, || 1617. 

|| the || || 2 lheir|| || 3 the \\ || 4 Nov. 13. || 


Mr. Robinson and Mr. Brewster returned him an an- 
swer^ full of all thankful acknowledgment of his love 
and care for them, intimating how ready and willing they 
were to accept of his kindness ; on which account they 
sent another letter to Sir John Worstenholme the Jan- 
uary following, who was also of the Virginia Company, 
and had a great interest therein, as well as Sir Edwin 
Sandys, where they labored to satisfy him about their 
judgment and opinion about church discipline, express- 
ing themselves for the substance to agree with the 
French Reformed Churches; from whom they said they 
differed only in some accidental points. But their pro- 
ceedings with those of the Virginia Company met with 
much obstruction the next year by reason of some dis- 
sensions and factions of that Company amongst them- 
selves, which issued in Sir Thomas Smith, that was 
Governor thereof, he laying down his place, and the 
choosing Sir Edward Sandys in his room. But at the 
last, it seems, they had a Patent granted them, and con- 
firmed under the Company's seal : yet did those divi- 
sions in the said Company take off many of their pre- 
tended friends, and disappointed them of much of their 
hoped-for and proffered means. But by the advice of 
some friends, that Patent was taken, not in the names of 
any of their own company, but in the name of one Mr. 
John Wincob, a religious gentleman, belonging to the 
Countess of Lincoln, who intended to go with them; 
but God so disposed that he 1 never went, nor they ever 
made use of the Patent, which cost them so much time 
and charge. b The reason they made no use thereof will 
appear in the sequel. Soon after this their agents' were 
sent into England again, to conclude of articles and pro- 
positions between them and such merchants and friends, 
as should either go or adventure with them, and those, 
who in order to their removal had sold out their estates, 
put their moneys into a common stock, which was to be 
disposed of by those appointed to make general provi- 
sions. Mr. Weston was one who had interested himself 
much in their affairs, undertaking to provide shipping for 
their transportation ; but about this time they were in- 

1 Substituted for they in the MS., from Bradford, in Young's Chronicles of 
I Plymouth, p. 75.— h. 



formed, both by the said Weston and others, that sundry 
honorable lords and worthy gentlemen had obtained a 
large Patent from the King for the more northerly part of 
America, distinct from the Virginia Patent, and wholly 
excluded from their government, and to be called by 
another name, viz. New England.* 1 Unto which Mr. 
Weston and the chiefest of them began to incline, think- 
ing it was best for them to go thither ; as for other rea- 
sons, so chiefly for the hope of present profit, to be made 
by fishing on that coast. But in all business the active 
part is most difficult, especially where there are many 
agents that may be concerned. So was it found in them, 
for some of them who should have gone in England, 
fell off, and would not go ; other merchants and friends 
that proffered to adventure their money, withdrew, and 
pretended many excuses ; some disliking they went not 
to Guiana ; others would do nothing unless they went 
to Virginia ; and many, who were most relied on, re- 
fused to adventure if they went thither. In the midst 
of these difficulties, they of Leyden were driven to great 
straits; but at the length, the generality was swayed 
to the better opinion. Howbeit, the Patent for the 
northern part of the country not being fully settled at 
that time, they resolved to adventure with that Patent 
they had, intending for some place more southward than 
that they fell upon in their voyage, at Cape Cod, as may 
appear afterwards. The Conditions, on which those of 
Leyden engaged with the merchants, the adventurers, 
were hard enough at the first for the poor people, that 
were to adventure their persons as well as their estates. 
Yet were their agents forced to change one or two of 
them, to satisfy the merchants, who were not willing to 
be concerned with them ; although the altering them 
without their knowledge or consent was very distasteful 
to them, and became the occasion of some contention 
amongst them afterwards. They are these that follow. 

1. The adventurers and planters do agree, that every 
person that goeth, being sixteen years old and upward, 
be rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds be ac- 
counted a single share. 

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him- 
self out with ten pounds, either in money or other pro- 


visions, be accounted as having twenty pounds in stock, 
and in the division shall receive a double share. 

3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall 
continue their joint stock and partnership the space of 
seven years, except some unexpected impediments do 
cause the whole Company to agree otherwise ; during 
which time all profits and benefits that are gotten by 
trade, traffic, trucking, 1 working, fishing, or any other 
means, of any other person or persons, [shall] remain still 
in the common stock until the division. 

4. That at their coming there they shall choose out 
such a number of fit persons as may furnish their ships 
and boats for fishing upon the sea ; employing the rest 
in their several faculties upon the land, as building 
houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making such 
commodities as shall be most useful for the Colony. 

5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and 
profits, viz., the houses, lands, goods, and chattels, be 
equally divided amongst the adventurers. If any debt or 
detriment concerning this adventure 2 

6. Whosoever cometh to the Colony hereafter, or put- 
teth any thing into the stock, shall at the end of the 
seven years be allowed proportionally to the time of his 
so doing. 

7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or servants, 
shall be allowed for every person, now aged sixteen years 
and upward, a single share in the division ; or if he provide 
them necessaries, a double share ; or if they be between 
ten years old and sixteen, then two of them to be reck- 
oned for a person, both in transportation and division. 

8. That such children that now go and are under 
[the] age of ten years, have no other share in the division 
than fifty acres of unmanured land. 

9. That such persons as die before the seven years be 
expired, their executors to have their parts or share at 
the division, proportionably to the time of their life in the 

10. That all such persons as are of the Colony are to 
have meat, drink, and apparel, and all provisions, out of 
the common stock and goods of the said Colony. 

The difference between the conditions thus expressed 

1 This word is trusting in the MS.; evidently a slip of the pen. — H. 
* Something appears to be wanting. — h. 


and the former, before their alteration, stood in these two 
points ; first, that the houses and lands improved, espe- 
cially gardens and || home-fields, || should remain undivid- 
ed, wholly to the planters, at the seven years' end ; sec- 
ondly, that the planters should have two days in the week 
for their own private employment, for the comfort of 
themselves and their families, especially such as had them 
to take care for. The altering of those two conditions 
was very afflictive to the minds of such as were concerned 
in the voyage ; but Mr. Cushman, their principal agent, 
answered the complaints peremptorily, that unless they 
had so ordered the conditions, the whole design would 
have fallen to the ground ; and necessity, they said, hav- 
ing no law, they were constrained to be silent. The poor 
planters met with much difficulty, both before and after 
the expiring of the seven years, and found much trouble 
in making up accounts with the adventurers about the 
division ; at which time, though those that adventured 
their money were no great gainers, yet those that adven- 
tured their lives in carrying on the business of the Plan- 
tation were by much the greatest sufferers, as may easily 
be gathered in what follows, next to be related ; for all 
things being now prepared, they improved their utmost 
endeavors to be ready to enter upon their voyage at the 
time agreed upon. That a Patent, as is aforesaid, was 
obtained, is published in print, <and affirmed by such as 
yet survive of the first planters; but where it is, or how 
it came to be lost, is not known to any that belong to the 
said Colony. Nor is the place with the bounds particu- 
larly specified : concerning which they were notably over- 
reached by some of their neighbors amongst the Dutch, 
who, understanding their design for the southern parts 
about Hudson's river, where some of that nation had a 
design to plant for themselves, secretly contracted with 
Jones, the master of the bigger ship employed for their 
transportation, who thereupon bent his course on purpose 
more northward, and so fell amongst the shoals of Cape 
Cod, to the hazard both of the lives and goods of himself, 
as well as his passengers and company — had not the Al- 
mighty, whose eyes run to and fro through the whole earth, 

|| fields || 


by his merciful providence, prevented the danger, which 
by that false, underhand dealing they were exposed un- 
to.' 1 For, meeting with sundry difficulties and obstruc- 
tions, which is usual in things of that nature, it was long 
before they could all be removed ; b besides which they 
met with bad weather at first setting out to sea, which 
forced them to turn into harbors twice before they could 
clear the land's end, and at last were forced to dismiss 
one of the ships designed for the voyage, insomuch 
that it was the 6th of September before they last put to 
sea, which made it near the middle of November before 
they made any land ; which after they had discovered, 
they were altogether ignorant where it was, or whether 
there was any commodious place near by, where to begin 
a plantation. 1 But in all these changes, whatever were 
the malice or fraudulency of instruments, the over-ruling 
hand of Divine Providence was to be acknowledged that 
at the last found out a resting place for them, by sending 
the angel of his presence to go before them, and safely 
conduct them through so many dangers and deaths. 
It is also very remarkable and worthy of consideration, 
that if they had, according to their intention and desire, 
been carried to Hudson's River, the Indians in those 
parts were so numerous and sturdy in their disposition, 
and if they landed, so many ways enfeebled, that they 
could never have defended themselves against them ; 
whereas, in the place where they were now landed, a 
convenient situation was prepared for their reception, 
by the removal of the former inhabitants, who were late- 
ly swept aw r ay by a strange kind of mortality, which 
happened the year before. After the disappearing of 
the blazing star in the west, in the year 1619, the obser- 
vation of which, towards the w r est, made Mr. Briggs, that 
famous mathematician, conclude that some notable event 
was like to ensue, betokening the death of the natives in 
those parts, whatever were in his presage or in the ground 
thereof, the matter so came to pass, not one in ten of the 
Indians in those parts surviving, so that they w r ere unable, 
though they had never so much resolved, to have 
made resistance. Our Savior Christ, foretelling the 

1 For Gov. Bradford's account of the voyage, see Young's Chronicles of 
Plymouth, pp. 97-108.— h. 


destruction of the Jews, jet out of humane or natural 
compassion, wished them to pray their flight might not 
be in the winter ; yet such was the dispensation of the 
Almighty towards this poor despised company, that hav- 
ing hardly escaped the dangers of many violent and furi- 
ous storms at sea, they were no sooner set on shore, but 
they were immediately called to encounter with hard and 
rough weather, in a desert and barren land, upon the 
very edge of winter. The sun had now by his late decli- 
nation, withdrawn his delightful beams, giving them but 
short visits, after tedious long and cold nights, many 
times brought in with boisterous storms of snow or rain. 
The earth was also dismantled of all its comely and 
pleasant ornaments, observed by the first discoverers, in 
the summer time, by the early approach of hard and 
sharp frosts, presenting them with no other aspect than 
the ruthful and weather-beaten face of winter. The bar- 
barians the Apostle Paul fell amongst after long storms 
and dangerous shipwrecks, as it is said in the Acts, shew- 
ed them no small kindness, kindling them a fire, and suf- 
fered them to gather bundles of sticks themselves for that 
end ; whereas these barbarous savages were at the first 
not willing to spare them any bundle or stick, but such as 
were turned into arrows, and improved not to warm, but 
to wound their new come guests ; the remembrance of 
which consideration remains yet in some of their minds ; 
who, after a long passage over the vast and wide ocean, 
were at their first landing entertained with no other sight 
than that of the withered grass on the surface of the cold 
earth, and the grim looks of the savage enemies. Sure- 
ly such passengers or pilgrims, had need of some other 
more inward support and comfort the world is not ac- 
quainted with. They had need of [a] good conscience 
within, to administer matter for a continual feast to feed 
upon, that are thus bereft of all other outward supplies 
wherewith to sustain their hearts, Habak. iii. 17, 18. It 
would have tried the faith of Abraham, when sent from 
Ur of the Chaldees, (a region bordering upon the confines 
of Paradise, as some conceive,) if he had been directed to 
the Arabian wilderness, and not into the land flowing with 


milk and honey. But they that had the same faith which 
Abraham had, were, when put upon the trial, not unwil- 
ling to follow the conduct of Divine Providence into a 
land not sown, not knowing indeed, as it might truly be 
said, whither they went, yet hoping that God, [who] by his 
especial guidance had brought them into a wilderness, 
would not be a wilderness unto them therein, as since they 
have found. 

Mr. Robinson, their faithful pastor, at their last parting 
in Holland, wrote a letter to the whole company, wherein 
he gave them much seasonable advice, and many whole- 
some directions, needful to be observed by such as under- 
took a work which now they had in hand, which is as fol- 
loweth in page 6 of Mr. Morton's Memorial.* a Accord- 
ingly, as soon as they came to an anchor in the harbor of 
Cape Cod, which was on November the 9th, b 1620, con- 
sidering how necessary government would be, and to pre- 
vent any inconveniency that might arise for want there- 
of, and finding their Patent was made void and useless to 
them, now they were landed in another place, they resolv- 
ed by mutual consent, for the better carrying on their af- 
fairs, to enter into a solemn combination, as a body politic, 
to submit to such government, laws and ordinances, as 
should, by general consent from time to time, be agreed 
upon ; which was accordingly put in practice on the 
(Morton, page 15,) foresaid day, before any of them 
went ashore, by signing the Instrument here following, * c 
with all their hands that were of any note in the company, 
bearing date the 10th b November, 1620. And soon after, 
Mr. John Carver was chosen Governor, for the following 
year; a gentleman not only well approved for his piety 
and religion, but well qualified also with civil prudence, 
for the managing of the place of rule and government 
amongst them. Their own necessity also, as well as the 
master and mariners' importunity, did in the next place 
put them upon a speedy looking out for a place where to 
take up their habitations. To that end, while the carpen- 
ters were fitting up their shallop, sixteen* 1 of them that were 
most hearty and strong after so long and tedious a voyage 

* These papers are not in the MS. copy. — Ed. 


by sea, offered their service on the land, to take a view 
of the country, and try if they could make a discovery of 
any place convenient for such a purpose ; and to see if 
they could meet with any of the natives, to begin some 
treaty with them, thereby to make way either for trading 
with them or inhabiting amongst them. This attempt 
of theirs was in itself no small adventure, if any should 
but consider what befell a French ship that was cast away 
on this coast but three years before ; the country at that 
time being full of people who were under no small dis- 
gust against all foreigners that happened to land there upon 
one ||account|| or other, in remembrance of the villany that 
one Hunt 1 a few years before had acted amongst them ; 
who after he had made his fishing voyage at Monhiggan, 
as is mentioned before, came to this place, as the Indians 
report, and took away from hence twenty, and seven from a 
place called Nasitt, carrying them captive to Spain. For 
although the men got ashore, and saved their lives, with 
much of their goods and victuals, yet it being understood 
by the Indians, they gathered together from all parts, and 
never left dogging and waylaying them, till they took 
opportunities to kill all but three or four, which they 
kept as slaves, sending them up and down, to make sport 
with them, from one Sachem to another. Two of the said 
French were redeemed by Mr. Dermer, 2 that insinuated 
a little into them for trade, (though with loss of his own 
life, as was said before ;) the third lived so long amongst 
them till he had got so much of their language as to be 
able to discourse with them, and in the end, he told them 
before he died, that God was angry with them for their 
wickedness, and would destroy them and give their 
country to another people, that should not live like beasts 
as they did ; but they, deriding him, said they were so ma- 
ny, that God could not kill them ; to whom the French- 
man replied, that if they were never so many, yet God had 
more ways to destroy them, than they were aware of. It 
was not long after his death, before a pestilent disease came 
amongst them, that was never heard of by any of them 
before, which sweeped them away by multitudes, leav- 
ing their carcases like dung upon the earth, and none to 

|| attempt || 
1 See page 38.— h. 3 In the year 1619.— h. 


bury them ; the bones of whom were seen above the 
ground by those of Plymouth, after they planted 
that side of the country. The Indians thereabouts, in 
remembrance of the Frenchman's words, as some of them 
confessed afterwards, at the first, kept at a distance from 
them, and would have assaulted them, but that God left 
an awe upon their hearts. The English, being furnished 
with ammunition, not only defended themselves, but struck 
such a terror in the Indians, that they soon after sought 
their favor, and came into acquaintance with them, by the 
means of some that had been carried away by Hunt, and 
had lived a while in London, or elsewhere, after they had 
escaped out of Spain, as shall be seen hereafter ; where- 
by the especial providence of God was seen by such 
means to make way for their abode and quiet settlement 
in that place, which otherwise had not been possible for 
them to have expected or attained. But to return, the 
sixteen sent out upon discovery, 1 having wandered about 
a mile by the sea side, came within view of five or six In- 
dians, but could not come to the speech of any of them ; 
all taking themselves to their heels, like so many wi d 
creatures, hasted into the woods, out of their sight. In 
vain it was to pursue their tracks, they being much too 
nimble for our scorbutic pilgrims, that had tired them- 
selves in passing a small compass of ground ; yet did they 
adventure to lie out all night, under the safe though open 
covert of heaven's protection. The next day they met 
with a field where Indian corn had been planted the last 
summer, and by accident stumbled upon some Indian 
||barns a || stored with- baskets of their corn, which (as to 
them seemed) did in some sort resemble the grapes 
of Eshcol, more to the apprehension of faith than of 
sense. However, they returned to their company with 
little encouragement as to situation, which put them 
upon a second discovery, a few days after, 2 by their 
shallop, being now ready, wherein they met with some 
such like rarities as they had done before, yet but with 
small encouragement from that called Cold Harbor, 
which might have cooled their affections, had they not 
been inspired from a higher principle ; for the sharpness of 

|j beans || 
1 On Wednesday, Nov. 15th.— h. 2 Nov. 27th.— h. 



the winter drawing on apace, it put them upon an anxious 
dispute whether to tarrj where they were, a place fit only 
for anchoring ships, or to remove to this branch of a 
Creek, which though farther up into the country, upon 
the present experiment they made, called Cornhill, yet 
could harbor nothing but boats. In fine, they resolved 
to make a third discovery on December the 6th, a wherein 
they met with much difficulty upon sundry accounts, both 
of wind and weather, together with a dangerous assault 
from the Indians, one of whom was so resolute as to stand 
three shots of a musket, after the rest fled ; until one 
taking a full aim, made the splinters fly about his ears, 
off the tree, behind which he sheltered himself. Some 
report he was wounded on the arm, as he was drawing 
an arrow out of his quiver, which made him sensible 
that a tree that could keep off a hundred arrows, was a 
slender defence against the English artillery ; thus being 
mercifully delivered, in remembrance thereof they called 
that place ever after, the First Encounter, leaving of which 
they coasted along in their shallop, divers leagues, till, by 
a storm that arose, they were in danger of all being cast 
away, by a mistake of the pilot, who could not distin- 
guish between the Gurnet's Nose, and the mouth of Saga- 
quabe Harbor. But he that sits at the helm of all his 
people's affairs guided them into the right harbor, 
when all other help failed ; for when the pilot 3 and the 
master's mate, 2 saying his eyes never saw the place before, 
would have run the boat ashore before the wind, in a 
cove full of breakers, in a rainy season, to the hazard, if 
not the loss, of all their lives, a stout hearted seaman that 
steered, cried out to them that rowed, if they were men, 
about with her, else they were all cast away ; the which 
they did with all speed ; so then he bade them be of good 
cheer, and row hard, for there was a fair sound before 
them, which he doubted not but it would afford them 
one place or other wherein to ride safely ; whose words 
they found soon after, to their great comfort, very true, 
for they presently got under the lee of a small island, 
where they rode quietly all night. In the morning they 
found it to be an island which they understood not be- 

1 Robert Coppin. — h. 2 Mastei Clarke. — h. 


fore ; from thence forward they called it Clark's Island, 
from the name of the mate, so called, that first stepped 
ashore thereon; where with much ado they kindled a 
fire to relieve themselves against the extremity of the 
cold. This being the last day of the week, they rested 
there the Lord's day ; but on the next day, sounding 
the harbor, they found it convenient for shipping, as 
they did the land round about commodious for situa- 
tion, in meeting there with many cornfields, severed with 
pleasant brooks of running and wholesome water — the 
fittest place which yet they had seen, where to make a 
place of habitation ; at least the season of the year, to- 
gether with their own necessity, made them so to judge ; 
and the news of it was no small comfort to the rest of 
their people, insomuch that immediately after their re- 
turn they weighed anchor, and the next day, viz. De- 
cember 16th, they arrived in the said harbor, newly dis- 
covered the week before ; which having viewed well the 
second time, they resolved for the future not only there 
to winter, but to pitch their dwelling ; and on the 25th 
of the same month were as cheerfully employed in build- 
ing their first house for common use, as their friends 
were elsewhere about their cheer, according to the cus- 
tom of the day. After some little time spent in unlad- 
ing their goods, which at that time of the year was very 
difficult, for want of boats and other helps, they began 
to erect every one some small habitation for themselves — 
sicknesses and diseases increasing very much amongst 
them, by reason of the hard weather and many uncom- 
fortable voyages in searching after a place wherein to 
settle, occasioning them to be much in the cold, with 
the inconveniency of the former harbors, that compelled 
them to wade much in the water upon every turn, by 
reason whereof many were seized with desperate coughs, 
as others with scurvy and such like diseases ; that in 
the three next months after their landing, they lost one- 
half if not two-thirds of their company, both passengers 
and seamen. Such were the solemn trials that God was 
pleased to acquaint them w T ith in their first adventure, the 
more to exercise their faith and patience, and daily to re- 


mind them that they were pilgrims and strangers upon 
the earth, and must not seek great things for themselves. 
So great was their distress in that time of general sick- 
ness, that sometimes there were not above six or seven 
sound and well, able to take carfc of the rest, who (to 
their commendation be it spoken) were very ready to do 
the meanest offices to help the weak and impotent, spar- 
ing no pains, night nor day, wherein they might be help- 
ful to them. 

It had been a very easy matter for the savages at that 
time to have cut them all off, as they had done others be- 
fore, had not God, by his special providence, laid a re- 
straint upon them, as was promised of old to Israel, that 
their enemies should not have mind to invade them, when 
they went up to worship before the Lord. This time of 
sickness and calamity continued with them all the latter 
part of the winter, and if a great part of those had not 
been removed by death, it was feared they might all have 
perished for want of food, before any more supplies came 
from England. In the beginning of March the coldness 
of the winter was over, and the weather began to be very 
comfortable, the spring coming on that year more early 
than ordinarily it uses to do, which was no small reviving 
to those decrepit and infirm planters. But that which 
added more life unto their hopes, was not so much the 
change of the air, as the change wrought in the hearts of 
the heathen, who were come, instead of hating, to fear 
this poor handful of people, and to be proffering them all 
kindness they were capable to show, thereby, as it. were, 
seeking their favor. Thus w r as it found in their expe- 
rience, that the hearts of all are in the hands of the Lord, 
and that he turns them as the rivers of waters ; for about 
the middle 1 of the said month of March, an Indian, called 
Samoset, came to them, and soon after 2 another, whose 
name was Squanto, or Tisquantum, (for he is called in 
several authors by these several names,) came boldly in 
amongst them, and said in a broken dialect of our lan- 
guage, " Welcome, Eng'i hmen." Within a day or 
two came the other, and spake in the like dialect, to the 
same purpose or effect; at which the planters were sur- 

1 March 16th.— H. 2 March 22d. — H. 


prised with no small amazement ; but they presently un- 
derstood that the said Indians had been acquainted with 
our English mariners, that had of late yearly frequented 
the coast, upon account of making fish at the Eastward, 
and could tell the names of the masters of ships, and 
mariners that were commonly there ; yea, one of these na- 
tives, Tisquantum, that came last amongst them, was one 
of them that had been carried away by Hunt, and had af- 
terward escaped from Spain, and was carried to London, 
where he had lived with one Mr. Slany, a merchant, 
about two years. These were by that means so well 
acquainted with our language, that they were pretty well 
able to discourse with them, and acquaint them with ma- 
ny matters needful for the carrying on their design — as 
how to plant their corn — after what manner to order it — 
where to get fish, and such other things as the country 
afforded, about which they would have been very much 
to seek without their instruction. They gave them like- 
wise information of the number of the Indians, their 
strength, situation, and distance from them ; acquaint- 
ing them also with the estate and affairs at the Eastward ; 
but the principal benefit obtained by their means was ac- 
quaintance with an Indian of the chiefest note in that 
side of the country, called Massasoite. Him they brought 
down to the English, though his place was at forty miles 
distance, called Sowams, his country called Pokanoket, 
and one that had the greatest command of the country 
betwixt Massachusetts and Narrhaganset. And within 
four or five days came the said Sachem, with his friends 
and chiefest attendants, to welcome them to his country ; 
and not only giving them liberty there to take up their 
habitation, but likewise acknowledging himself willing 
to become the subject of their sovereign Lord, King 
James. Further also he was willing to enter into a 
league of friendship with our pilgrims, which continued 
very firm with him and his people during the term of 
his own life, and some considerable time with his two 
sons, his successors, until that unhappy quarrel began by 
the second of them, by the English called Philip, in the 
year 1675, which ended in the loss of his own life, and the 


extirpation of all his friends and adherents, within a few 
months after they began it, as is declared in the narra- 
tive, which may be hereunto annexed. The articles and 
conditions, on which the said league was agreed upon, 
were as followeth, as in ||Morton||, page 24. a The experi- 
ences of the aforementioned passages of Providence put 
the new inhabitants of Plymouth in mind of God's promise 
to the people of Israel in their passage towards the pos- 
session of the land of Canaan, where he engaged to them 
concerning the Canaanite and the Hittite, that he would 
by little and little drive them out from before his people, 
till they were increased, and did inherit the land ; which 
consideration is the more to be remembered herein, in 
that it was known to the said planters of Plymouth not 
long after, that these Indians, before they came to make 
friendship with them, had taken Balaam's counsel against 
Israel in getting all the powwawes of the country togeth- 
er, who for three days incessantly had, in a dark and 
dismal swamp, attempted to have cursed the English, 
and thereby have prevented their settling in those parts, 
which when they discerned was not like to take place, 
they were not unwilling to seek after a peace. The 
like was confessed many years after to have been at- 
tempted by an old and noted and chief Sagamore and 
Powaw, about Merrimack, to the northward of the 
Massachusetts, called Passaconaway, who, when he per- 
ceived he could not bring, about his end therein, he left 
it, as his last charge to his son, that was to succeed him, 
and all his people, never to quarrel with the English, 
lest thereby they came to be destroyed utterly, and rooted 
out of the country. This hath been confirmed to the 
remnant of the faithful, that surely there is no enchant- 
ment against Jacob, nor divination against Israel. 

It may || 2 here be|| added, that in the following year, 1621, 
several other Sachems or Sagamores — which are but 
one and the same titles, the first more usual with the 
southward, the other with the northward Indians, to ex- 
press the title of him that hath the chief command of a 
place or people — as well as the afore-named Massasoit, 
came to the Governor of New Plymouth, and did vol Mi- 
ll Mason || || 2 be here || 


tarily acknowledge themselves to be the loyal subjects 
of our Lord, King James, and subscribed a writing to 
that purpose with their own hands, the tenor of which 
here followeth, with their names annexed thereunto, that 
succeeding times may keep a memorial thereof, it having 
no small influence into the first foundations here laid, 
Morton, page 19. 

September 13, Anno Dom. 1621. 

Know all men by these Presents, That we whose 
Names are under-written, do acknowledge ourselves to 
be the Loyal Subjects of King James, King of Great 
Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, 
&c. In Witness whereof, and as a Testimonial of the 
same, we have subscribed our [Names or] Marks, as 

Ohquamehud. Nattawahunt. Quadaquina. 

Cawnacome. Caunbatant. Huttamoiden. 

Obbatinnua. Chikkatabak. Apannow. a 


Of the government, civil and military, established in 
the Colony of New Plymouth, 

That which our Savior once affirmed concerning 
a kingdom, is as true of the smallest colony, or puny 
state, or least society of mankind, that if it be di- 
vided against itself it cannot stand ; and how can divi- 
sions be avoided where all sorts of people are to be at 
their liberty, whether in things civil or sacred, to do 
all that doth, and nothing but what doth, seem good 
in their own eyes. Our first founders of this new colony, 
were aware of this, before they removed themselves from 
the parts of Europe, whether England or Holland, to 
those of America ; and, therefore, according to the pru- 
dent advice of Mr. Robinson, their Pastor, they had 
procured a Patent for themselves, or had a power grant- 
ed from their Sovereign Prince, whereby they might 
form themselves into a body politic in the place speci- 
fied in their Patent. But missing of the place, the things 


contained therein were utterly invalidated, and made 
useless thereby, which they wisely considered in the 
first place, as was said before, and therefore they all 
signed an instrument, concerning some way of order and 
government, which they, according as necessity required, 
intended to mould themselves into, upon the first op- 
portunity which should offer itself, after they found a 
place of habitation fit to settle upon. By the aforesaid 
accident, things so fell out, that for the present they 
could not fall into any order of government, but by 
way of combination ; with which they intended to con- 
tent themselves till occasion might serve for the obtain- 
ing another Patent from the King, for that place where 
Providence now had cast their lot. For the present, 
therefore, they devolved the sole power of government 
upon Mr. John Carver, in whose prudence they so 
far confided, that he would not adventure upon any 
matter of moment without consent of the rest, or at 
least advice of such as were thought to be the wisest 
amongst them, and not to increase the number of rulers, 
where the persons were so few to be ruled ; knowing 
also that they could at their pleasure add more as there 
might be occasion, much better than to have eased 
themselves of the burden, if they should pitch upon too 
many at first. One Nehemiah is better than a whole 
Sanhedrim of mercenary Shemaiahs. 

The Laws they intended to be governed by were 
the Laws of England, the which they were willing to be 
subject unto, though in a foreign land, and have since 
that time continued in that mind for the general, adding 
only some particular municipal laws of their own, suit- 
able to their constitution in such cases where the com- 
mon laws and statutes of England could not well reach 
or afford them help in emergent difficulties of the place, 
possibly on the same ground that ||Pacuvius|| sometimes 
advised his neighbors of Capua, not to cashier their 
old magistrates till they could agree upon better to 
place in their room. So did these choose to abide by 
the Laws of England, till they could be provided of 

jj Pacavius || 


As for their military affairs, they were at this time as 
necessary to be provided for, in regard of enemies with- 
out, as were the civil concernments within amongst 
themselves ; and although the order thereof be founded 
in the same authority with the former, yet is it, at least 
in our days, usual and needful it should be managed by 
other hands, for which purpose they were well furnished 
by a person of that company, though at that time not of 
their church, well skilled in the affair, and of as good 
courage as conduct, Capt. Miles Standish by name, a 
gentleman very expert in things of that nature, by 
whom they were all willing to be ordered in those con- 
cerns. He was likewise improved with good acceptance 
and success in affairs of greatest moment in that colony, 
to whose interest he continued firm and steadfast to the 
last ; and always managed his trust with great integrity 
and faithfulness. What addition and alteration was 
made afterwards in and about the premises, there may 
be an occasion to observe afterward. 


Of the religion, worship, and discipline, jjrqfessed or 
practised, by those of Plymouth. 

As of old, notice was taken in the Sacred Records, 
how happy it was with Israel when they were led like a 
flock by the hand of Moses and Aaron, so hath it been 
observed in all ages, as a certain token of God's presence 
with and amongst his people, when their ecclesiastical, 
as well as civil affairs, are carried on by the same care and 
endeavor. The faith and order of the church of the Co- 
lossians was a desirable sight in the eyes of the Apostle. 
The addition of civil order forementioned in the new 
colony, without doubt, did not a little increase the 
beauty of this small society, rendering this little citadel 
of Sion, that was now begun to be erected in America, 
hopeful to become beautiful as Tirzah, comely as Jerusa- 
lem, terrible at the last as an army with banners, that the 


powers of darkness and the gates of hell have not yet been 
able to prevail against, how strangely soever of late times 
they have endeavored it. As for the doctrine of religion 
held forth by this people, together with their worship, it 
was for the substance little discrepant from that of the 
rest of the reformed churches of Europe, abating the 
discipline, with the rites and ceremonies observed in 
the church of England, ever since the first reformation 
begun in those kingdoms, under the English sceptre ; 
on which account those people that were a part of Mr. 
Robinson's church at Leyden, whose pedigree some 
that favor that interest derive from the English church 
at Frankford, settled afterward at London, made a pro- 
fessed separation from the rest of the reformed churches, 
whence in the former age they were styled Separatist, and 
generally known by that name, not only w T ith relation to 
the rites and ceremonies of worship, but in special also 
in regard of the discipline and government of the church ; 
all which, because they were so well known to the world 
by several writings that passed between Mr. Robinson, 
with some of the like persuasion, and other learned per- 
sons of the contrary judgment, no further or ||more|| par- 
ticular account need be given thereof in this place ; but 
w r hen we come to speak of the settling of the other col- 
onies, there will be a fitter occasion to treat more fully 
thereof, for as much as none of the rest of the planters 
came over in any settled order of government, only re- 1 
solving when they came hither to carry on those affairs j 
as near as they could exactly according to the rule andj 
pattern laid before them in the word of God, wherein 
they cannot be blamed for endeavoring, according to 
their best understanding, to approve themselves faithful 
to the Supreme Lord of his church, as opportunity 
might be afforded. It is easy to observe a difference be-: 
tween him that is about repairing of a building, by age! 
and time fallen into some decay, and one that is about 
to rear a new fabric ; with whom it is no harder work, if 
he have materials at hand, to square everything accord-ll 
ing to the best pattern and method made known, than] 
it is for the other to endeavor the bringing of things to] 

II no || 


their primitive structure and fashion. In a word there- 
fore, only to satisfy the reader how a Christian church 
could in any tolerahle measure carry on the public wor- 
ship of God without suitable officers, as was the case of 
those people of Plymouth, we must know that ||those|| 
were a serious and religious people that knew their 
own principles, not like so many of their followers 
in some parts of the country, properly termed Seekers ; 
of whom it may be said, as our Savior Christ some- 
times said of the Samaritans, " ye worship ye know not 
what." Now these knew and were resolved on the way 
of their worship ; but in many years could not prevail with 
any to come over to them, and to undertake the office 
of a pastor amongst them, at least none in whom they 
could with full satisfaction acquiesce ; and therefore in the 
mean while they were peaceably and prudently managed 
by the wisdom of Mr. Brewster, a grave and serious 
person that only could be persuaded to keep his place of 
ruling elder amongst them ; having acquired by his long 
experience and study no small degree of knowledge in 
the mysteries of faith and matters of religion, yet wisely 
considering the weightiness of the ministerial work, 
(and therein he was also advised by Mr. Robinson,) 
according to that of the Apostle, " who is sufficient for 
these things ? " he could never be prevailed with to ac- 
cept the ministerial office, which many less able in so 
long a time could have been easily drawn unto. Besides 
also several of his people were well gifted, and did 
spend part of the Lord's day in their wonted prophesy- 
ing, to which they had been accustomed by Mr. Robin- 
son. Those gifts, while they lasted, made the burden of the 
other defect more easily borne, yet was not that custom 
of the prophesying of private brethren observed after- 
wards in any of the churches of New England besides 
themselves, the ministers of the respective churches 
there not being so well satisfied in the way thereof, as was 
Mr. Robinson. The elders likewise of the said churches 
or the most judicious and leading amongst them, as Mr. 
Cotton, &c, that were not absolutely against the thing, 
were yet afraid that the wantonness of the present age, 

II these || 


would not well bear such a liberty, as that reverend and 
judicious divine, the great light of those churches, ex- 
pressed to a person of great quality, to whom he bore 
no small respect, a few hours before he departed this 


The general affairs of the Colony of New Plymouth, 
during the first lustre of years, from March 25, 1631, to 
March 25, 1626. 

Although the dispensations of God towards his peo- 
ple under the gospel be not like those under the law, in 
respect of the outward prosperity, so as any time it could 
be said as in Solomon's reign during the time of his 
building the house of God or his own palaces, that 
there was neither adversary nor evil occurrent ; yet did 
the Almighty water this new planted colony with many 
blessings, causing it by degrees to flourish, taking root I 
downward, that it might in after time bring forth fruit up- j 
ward. For now the spring of the following year was come, 
they began to hasten the ship away, a which had tarried 
the longer, that before it had left the country, it might 
carry news back of the welfare of the Plantation. 
The ship's company also, during the winter, growing so 
weak that the master durst not put to sea till they were 
better recovered of their sickness and the winter well over. 

Early in the spring they planted their first corn, being 
instructed therein by their friend Squanto, and had bet- 
ter success therein than in some English grain they 
sowed that year, which might be imputed to the lateness 
of the season, as well as their own unskilfulness in the 
soil. But the month of April added much heaviness to 
their spirits by the loss of Mr. John Carver, who fell 
sick in that month, and in a few days after died.' 
His funeral rites were attended with [as] great solemnity! 
as the condition of that infant plantation would bear ; as) 
indeed the respect due to him justly deserved, if not fori 


the good he had actually done in the foundation of their 
Colony, jet for that he was like to have done, if God had 
spared him his life ; he being a gentleman of singular 
piety, rare humility, and great condescendency ; one 
also of a public spirit, as well as of a public purse, hav- 
ing disbursed the greatest part of that considerable estate 
God had given him, for §the§ carrying on the interest of the 
company, as their urgent necessity required. Extreme 
grief for the loss of him, within a few weeks, hasted the 
removal of a gracious woman, his wife, which he left 
behind. At his decease the eyes of the company were 
generally upon Mr. William Bradford, as in the next 
place fittest to succeed him in the government : where- 
fore, as soon as ever he recovered of his great weakness, 
under which he had languished to the point of death, 
they chose him to be their Governor instead of Mr. Car- 
ver, adding Mr. Isaac Allerton only, to be his Assistant. 
The second of July following, in imitation of David, 
who was as ready to acknowledge kindnesses received, 
as to ask or accept them in the time of his distress, they 
sent Mr. Edward Winslow, with Mr. Stephen Hopkins, 
to congratulate their friend Massasoite, by the late league 
firmly allied to them, partly also to take notice what 
number of men he had about him, 1 and the other Sa- 
chems, as likewise of what strength they were. They 
found his place forty miles distant from their town, 
and his people but few in comparison of what formerly 
they had been, before the great mortality forementioned, 
that had swept away so many of them. They returned 
in safety, giving a good account of the business they were 
sent about ; adding moreover what they understood of the 
nation of the Indians, called Narragansets, seated on the 
other side of the great bay, adjoining to the country of 
Massasoit : a people many in number, and more potent 
than their neighbors at the present juncture, and grown 
very insolent also, as having escaped the late mortality, 
which made them aspire to be lords over their neighbors. 2 
On that occasion, the establishing of their peace with the 
natives near about them was much furthered by an In- 
dian, called Hobbamacke, a proper lusty young man, 

1 Them in the MS. — h. 2 See Winslow's narrative of this journey to 
Pokanoket in Young, pp. 202-13. — h. 



and of good account amongst the other Indians in those 
parts for his valor. He continued faithful and con- 
stant to the English until his death. The said Habba- 
mucke, with Squanto, being a while after sent amongst 
the other Indians about business for the English, were 
surprised about Namasket, (since called Middleborough,) 
by an Indian Sachem not far off, called Corbitant, upon 
the only account of their friendship to the English. The 
said Corbitant, picking a quarrel with Habbamucke, would 
have stabbed him, but he being a strong man, easily 
cleared himself of his adversary ; and, after his escape, 
soon brought intelligence to the Governor of his danger, 
adding withal that he feared Squanto was slain, having 
been both threatened on the same account ; but Captain 
Standish [being] sent forth with twelve or fourteen men 
well armed, beset the house, and himself adventuring to 
enter, found that Corbitant had fled, but yet that Squanto 
was alive. Two or three Indians pressing out of the 
house when it was beset, w 7 ere sorely wounded, whom 
notwithstanding the English brought to their chirurgeon, 1 
by whom, through God's blessing, they were soon cured. 2 
After this exploit they had divers congratulatory messages 
from sundry of the other Sachems, in order to a settled 
amity, and Corbitant soon after made use of Massasoit, 
as a mediator to make peace, being afraid to come 
near himself for a long time after: the Indians also of the 
Island Capowake, since called Martha's, commonly Mar- 
tin's, Vineyard, sent to them to obtain their friendship. 
By this means the Colony, being better assured of a peace 
with their neighbors, improved the opportunity to ac- 
quaint themselves with such of the Indians that lived 
more remote, especially those of the Massachusetts ; for 
which purpose they sent thither a boat with ten men, and 
Squanto for their interpreter, on September 18th follow- 
ing, in part to discover and view the said bay, of which 
they had heard a great fame, and partly to make way for 
after trade with the natives of the place, for having lived 
with the Dutch in Holland, they were naturally addicted 
to commerce and traffic ; and which at this time was 
very necessary for their support. Therein they were kindly 

1 Mr. Samuel Fuller.— h. 

2 See an account of this expedition in Young, pp. 219-23.— h. 


entertained by the natives of that place, wishing, it 
seems, thej had been seated there 1 ; but he who appoints 
to all men their inheritance, and sets to the inhabitants of 
the earth the bounds of their habitation, had by his Provi- 
dence otherwise disposed of them ; and by his purpose 
reserved that place for such of their friends, as should 
come after. Thus far those people had experience of the 
outgoing of divine favor, blessing their going out and 
coming in, and giving them encouragement, so they 
might be instrumental to lay a foundation for many 
generations. But the remembrance of the cold winter 
the year before gave them an item that it was time now 
to fit up their cottages against the same season, now fast 
approaching upon them, which they suddenly attended 
after harvest, for now their old store of provision being 
by this time all finished, they welcomed the first harvest 
fruits with no little joy. The hand of Providence also 
in the beginning of winter increased them, as by sending 
in great plenty of fish and fowl to their great refreshing. 
The ninth of November ensuingadded thirty-five persons 
more to their company, which was no small rejoicing to the 
first planters, nor were the new comers a little glad to see 
such plenty of provisions beyond expectation. The com- 
mander of the vessel was one Mr. Robert Cushman, an 
active and faithful instrument for the good of the public; 
yet herein was he overseen, that he so overstored the 
Plantation with number of people in proportion to the 
provision he brought with them, for the whole company, 
having nothing to trust to but the produce of the earth, 
and what they could procure by fishing and fowling, 
they were in great strait for provision before the re- 
turn of the next harvest ; nor had they at this time any 
neat cattle, to afford them any present relief or future in- 
crease ; nor did it appear they had any benefit con- 
siderable by other creatures. Presently after the dis- 
patch of this ship, a whose stay in the country was not 
above fourteen days, the Narragansets sent an uncouth 
messenger unto the Plantation, with a bundle of arrows 
tied together with a snake's skin, not much unlike that 
which sometimes the Scythians of old sent to the Per- 

1 See an account of the voyage in Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, 
pp. 224-9.— h. 


sian King Darius, when he without cause went to in- 
vade their country, of which those of Plymouth were 
not a whit guilty. Squanto their friend told them, he 
being their interpreter, that the English of it was a threat- 
ening and a challenge, at which the Governor, relying 
more on the power and promises of God, than the 
strength or number of his own company, was not a 
whit dismayed ; but did, by another messenger, let him 
know how he resented their message, sending back their 
snake's skin full of powder and bullets, with this word, 
that if they loved war better than peace they might begin 
when they would ; that as they had done them no wrong, 
so neither did they fear them, nor, if they minded to try, 
should they find them unprovided. It is thought that 
their own ambitious humor prompted them to this inso- 
lent message, supposing the English might be a bar in 
their way, in raising a larger dominion upon the ruins of 
their neighbors, wasted by late sickness, ohserving that 
Massasoite, their next rival for sovereignty, had already 
taken shelter under the wings of the English. How- 
ever it was a seasonable caution to the English to be 
more watchful and continually stand upon their guard, 
closing their dwellings with a strong pale, made with 
flankers at the corners, and strengthening their watches, 
having first divided their company into four squadrons, 
appointing to each their quarter, to which they were to 
repair, in case of danger upon any alarm, and in case of 
fire ; assigning one company for a guard of their weap- 
ons, while the others were employed in putting out what 
was kindled. Thus having gotten over another of the 
cold winters, to which their bodies began now to be 
pretty well inured, they designed the succeeding spring, 
Anno 1622, to prosecute their commerce with the Mas- 
sachusetts, as they had certified the natives, about which 
there was some demur, in the first hand of the vear 
upon some jealousies between Hobbomacke and Squanto, 
grounded on some surmises raised by one of them, as if 
the natives of §thc^ Massachusetts were like to join in a 
conspiracy with the Narragansets. But this tempest being 
soon blown oveiyhey accomplished their voyage with good 


success, and returned in safety, having, for the greater secu- 
rity, carried both the said Indians along with them; but after 
their return they discerned that Squanto, notwithstanding 
his friendship pretended to the English, began to play the 
Jack on both sides, endeavoring to advance his own 
ends betwixt the English and the Indians, making his 
countrymen believe that he could make war ||or|| peace 
when he pleased, or at his pleasure. And the more to 
affright his countrymen and keep them in awe, he told 
them the English kept the plague under ground, and 
could send it amongst them when they pleased, meaning, 
as he said, a barrel of gunpowder hid under ground. 
By this means however he drew the Indians from their 
obedience to their Sachem, Massasoit, making them 
depend more upon himself than upon him, which caused 
him no small envy from the Sachem, insomuch as it 
had cost him his life, had it not been for the English, 
to whom he was constrained ever after to stick more 
close, so as he never durst leave them till his death, 
which the other did endeavor to hasten openly, as well 
as privately, after the discovery of those practices. By 
this it appears that the very same spirit was then stirring 
in the father which of late did kindle this late rebellion 
and war between Philip, his son, and the English, occa- 
sioned by a jealousy the said Philip had conceived 
against Sausaman, whom he had entertained as his secre- 
tary and sure counsellor, yet harboring a jealousy in his 
mind against him, for the respect he bore to the English, 
which made him contrive his death, so thence have risen 
all the late differences or mischiefs, as shall be shewed 
more fully afterwards. But as for the emulation that 
grew between Hobamacke and Squanto, the English 
made good use thereof; the Governor seemed to favor 
one, the Captain the other, whereby they were the bet- 
ter ordered in point of their observance to the English, 
which was a prudent consideration. The same course 
was taken of late by the Governor 1 of Plymouth, and him 2 
that immediately preceded with reference to Philip and 
Josiah, two sagamores within their jurisdiction, but not 


1 Josiah Winslow. — h. * Thomas Prince. — h. 



with the like success ; for when Governor Prince only 
seemed more to favor Philip, as the other gentleman, at 
that time commander-in-chief of all the military forces, did 
Josiah, Philip conceived such a mortal hatred against the 
honorable gentleman, that at last it raised this fatal war, 
and ended in the ruin of himself and all his people, and 
all those that engaged with him therein. 


Mr. Weston' 's Plantation of IVasagusquasset. 

About this time, viz. towards the end of May, 
Anno 1622, it appeared that Mr. Thomas Weston, (who 
was one of those adventurers that were first engaged in 
the foundation of Plymouth Colony, and, as is said, had 
disbursed 500/. to advance the interest thereof,) ob- 
serving how the Plantation began to flourish, was 
minded to break off and set up for himself, though 
little to his advantage, as the sequel proved. When men 
are actuated by private interest and are eager to carry 
on particular designs of their own, it is the bane of all 
generous and noble enterprises, but is very often re- 
warded with dishonor and disadvantages to the under- 
takers. At the last, this Mr. Weston had gotten for 
himself a Patent for some part of the Massachusetts 
about Wessagusquaset, by the English since called 
Weymouth ; for the carrying on a Plantation there he 
sent over two ships on his own particular account ; in 
the one of them, which came first, were sixty young 
men which he ordered to be set ashore at Plymouth, 
there to be left till the ship that brought them was re- 
turned from Virginia, whither she was to convey the 
rest of her passengers ; and likewise seven more, that 
a little before arrived at Plymouth, sent thither from 
DamarilPs Cove, out of a ship employed there by said 
Weston and another on a fishing design. 3 In the mean 
time Mr. Weston's men were courteously entertained by 
them of Plymouth the most part of that summer, many of 
them being sick, and all of them wholly unacquainted with 
setting up of new Plantations. At the ship's return from 


Virginia, those that were well and sound were carried 
to the place designed to plant, leaving their diseased and 
infirm at Plymouth, till the rest were settled, and fitted 
with housing to receive them. But, as Solomon saith, 
" wisdom is good with an inheritance," which was much 
wanting at this time, either in him that undertook, or in 
those that were sent to manage, the inheritance of this 
Patent, by which means the whole soon after came to 
nothing ; for the company ordered to plant the said Pa- 
tent land proving unruly, and being destitute of a meet 
person to govern and order them, they fell first into 
dissoluteness and disorder, then into great want and 
misery, at last into wickedness, and so into confusion 
and ruin, as came to pass soon after ; which followeth 
nextly to be related, premising only a short passage or 
two *with reference to those of Plymouth,^ which will 
but make way thereunto. By the vessel which brought 
the seven men bound for Virginia, as was mentioned 
before, was sent a courteous letter from one Hudson , a 
master of one of the fishing ships about the eastern parts, 
giving them notice of the late massacre at Virginia, in 
the spring of this year, advising them to beware, accord- 
ing to old rule, by other men's harms ; which seasonable 
hint was wisely improved by those of Plymouth in rais- 
ing an edifice thereupon, which served them as well for 
a meeting-house wherein to perform their public wor- 
ship, as for a platform to plant their ordnance upon, it 
being built with a flat roof, and battlements for that pur- 
pose ; for at this time they were filled with rumors of the 
Narragansets rising against them, as well as alarmed by 
the late massacre at Virginia. The courteous letter of 
the said Hudson did encourage those of Plymouth to 
return a thankful acknowledgment by Mr. Edward 
Winslow, sent by a boat of their own, with intent also 
to procure what provisions he could of that ship or any 
other in those parts ; the Plantation at that time being in 
great want thereof, to which they received a very com- 
fortable return from the said master, who not only spared 
what he could himself, but wrote also in their behalf to 
other vessels upon the coast to do the like, by which 
means the Plantation was well supplied at that time, 


which yet was soon spent by the whole company, that 
had no other relief to depend upon. Their fear also for 
the following year increasing with their present wants, 
for a famine was threatened by a great drought which 
continued that summer from the third week in May to 
the middle of July ; their corn beginning to wither with 
the extremity of parching heat, accompanying the great 
want of rains, which occasioned the poor planters to set 
a day apart solemnly to seek God by humble and fervent 
prayer in this great distress ; in answer whereunto the 
Lord was pleased to send them such sweet and gentle 
showers in that great abundance that the earth was thor- 
oughly soaked therewith, to the reviving of the decayed 
corn and other withering fruits of the earth, so that the 
very Indians were astonished therewith to behold it, that 
before were not a little troubled for them, fearing they 
would lose all their corn by the drought, and so would 
be in a more suffering condition for want thereof than 
themselves, who, as they said, could make a shift to sup- 
ply themselves of their wants with fish and other things, 
which the English they could not well do ; yea, some of 
them were heard to acknowledge the Englishmen's God's 
goodness, as they used to speak, that had sent them soft, 
gentle rains, without violence of storms and tempests, that 
used to break down their corn, the contrary [to] which they 
now, to their great astonishment, beheld. a It was observ- 
ed that the latter part of the summer was followed with 
seasonable weather, amounting to the promised blessing 
of the former and latter rain, which brought in a plentiful 
harvest, to their comfort and rejoicing; the which was now 
more welcome in that the merchants, that at first adven- 
tured, and on whom they relied for their continual supply, 
had now withdrawn their hands, nor had they ever, after 
this time, from any of them supply to any purpose ; for 
all that came afterwards was too short for the passengers 
that came along therewith, so as they were forced to de- 
pend wholly on that they could raise by their own indus- 
try, by themselves. And that which was raised out of 
the field by their labor, for want of skill either in the soil, 
or in the sort of grain, would hardly make one year reach 


to another; so §that§ if they could not supply themselves 
otherwise, they many times were in want and great suf- 
ferings for provisions. But at this time, 1 for encourage- 
ment, another comfortable supply was occasionally 
brought in by one Captain Jones, that a little before 
came into the harbor with intent and order to discover 
the harbors between this place and Virginia. He had 
much trading stuff, with which he might have furnished 
the Plantation, but he took his advantage by their wants to 
raise his price at cent, per cent., yet exacting in ex- 
change coat beaver at three shillings per pound, which 
more than trebled his gain, with which it is well if his ship 
was not overburthened, and no doubt his conscience 
Was, if it were not lightened by repentance, before the 
storm of death approached. However, the planters, that 
by their necessity were driven by him to buy at any 
rates, found means thereby for a present relief. The 
Memorial of Plymouth Colony makes more honorable 
mention of one Mr. Porey, formerly Secretary in Vir- 
ginia, who, taking our new Plantation onward in his way 
from a Virginia, returned to [the] Governor and Church a 
very grateful letter of the acknowledgment of the good he 
received by the perusal of some of Mr. Ainsworth's and 
Mr. Robinson's works, which, it seems, were not [at that 
time] so common in the world as they have been since ; 
and in way of his requital after his return, procured no 
small advantage to the Plantation of New Plymouth, and 
amongst persons that were not of the meanest rank. 
But by this time Mr. Weston's Plantation at Weymouth 
had made havoc of all their provisions ; and whatever 
their boastings were, what great matters they would do, 
and never be brought into such straits as they found 
their friends at Plymouth in, at their first coming 
amongst them, yet now they saw poverty and want com- 
ing upon them like an armed man ; wherefore, under- 
standing that their friends at Plymouth had supplied them 
[selves] formerly with trading stuff for the procuring of 
corn from the Indians, [they] wrote to the Governor that 
they might join with them, offering their small ship to be 
improved in that service, requesting the loan or sale of 
so much of their trading stuff as their price might come 

1 The end of August. — h. 


to, which was agreed unto on equal terms ; but going 
out on this expedition by cross winds and foul weather, 
and bending their course southward, they were driven 
in at IIMonamojH 1 , whereby they procured the corn they 
desired ; but lost their interpreter, Squanto, who there 
fell sick and died. Not long before his death he desired 
the Governor of Plymouth, who at that time was there 
present, to pray for him, that he might go to the place 
where dwelt the Englishmen's God, of whom, it seems, 
this poor Indian or heathen had a better opinion than 
one of the Spanish Indians had of the Spaniards' God ; 
who upon his death bed inquiring of some of their reli- 
gion whither the Spaniards went when they died, and 
being told they went to heaven, replied, that he would 
go to the contrary place, whether purgatory or hell, im- 
agining the place to be more desirable where he might 
be sure to find fewest of them. Thus we see blind 
heathens are apt by their natural consciences, to judge 
both of men's religions and worship, and the God to 
whom it is performed, according to their lives and man- 
ners that profess it. But after their return with a con- 
siderable quantity of corn, which, with frugal improve- 
ment, might have answered the necessities of both their 
Plantations for a long time, before the month of February 
was ended, John Sanders, that was left as the guide or 
overseer of Mr. Weston's Plantation, sent a sorrowful 
messenger to the Colony at Plymouth, informing of their 
great straits they were in for want of corn, and that they 
had tried to borrow corn of the Indians and were denied ; 
[and] to know whether he might take it by force for the re- 
lief of his company, till he returned with supply from the 
ships eastward, whither he was then bound. It is more 
than probable that the poor heathen judged of them by 
their former manners to be like the wicked Solomon 
speaks of, that borroweth and payeth not again, which 
made them so unwilling to lend. Yet as to case of 
conscience propounded by the men of this new Planta- 
tion, an ordinary casuist might easily [have] resolved it at 
home, especially at that time, when it might have en- 
dangered the welfare of both Plantations, those Indians 

||Manomet|| 2 
1 Chatham.— h. 2 Sandwich.— h. 


that lived in or about the Massachusetts being so exas- 
perated by some of their former pranks, stealing their 
corn &c, that they were in great danger of being all 
cut off by them. Yea, it is reported by some that sur- 
vived sometime after the planting of the Massachusetts 
Colony, that they were so base as to inform the Indians 
that their Governor was purposed to come and take their 
corn by force, which made them combine against the 
English. Certain it is, they were so provoked with their 
filching and stealing that they threatened them as the 
Philistines did Samson's father-in-law, after the loss of 
their corn ; insomuch that the company, as some report, 
pretended in way of satisfaction to punish him that did 
the theft, but in his stead hanged a poor, decrepit old 
man, that was unserviceable to the company, and bur- 
thensome to keep alive, which was the ground of the 
story with which the merry gentleman that wrote the 
poem called Hudibras did, in his poetical fancy, make so 
much sport. 1 Yet the inhabitants of Plymouth tell the 
story much otherwise, as if the person hanged was really 
guilty of stealing, as may be were many of the rest, and 
if they were driven by necessity to content the Indians, 
at that time to do justice, there being some of Mr. Wes- 
ton's company living, it is possible it might be executed 
not on him that most deserved, but on him that could be 
best spared, or who was not like to live long if he had 
been let alone. In conclusion, the people of Weston's 
Plantation were brought to that extremity, by their folly 
and profuseness, that they were all beggared by parting 
with all they had, to get a little relief from the Indians at 
any rate, and some of them starved. One going to get 
shell fish on the flats at low water was so enfeebled with 
hunger that he could not get his feet out of the mud, 
but stuck there fast till he died. Others that were more 
hale and strong lived by stealing from the Indians, with 
which they were so provoked, that they entered into a 
general conspiracy against all the English, as those of 
Plymouth understood by the persons whom they sent to 
visit and relieve Massasoit, of whom they heard in the fol- 
lowing year that he was dangerously sick. Conceiving that 

1 Butler's Hudibras, part ii. canto 2, lines 409-436. See Savage's 
Winthrop, i. 35. — h. 


if they began or meddled only with Weston's men, those 
of Plymouth would revenge it ; therefore to prevent the 
danger, they plotted against them all. Massasoit discov- 
ered the conspiracy, that it was like speedily to be put in 
execution in this opportunity of their weakness and 
want, advising them to surprise some of the chief in the 
plot, before it were too late. One Phineas Prat, yet living, 
(1677) and that was one of the company, having made a 
strange yet happy escape by missing the path, (for being 
pursued by two Indians, he escaped their hands by that 
occasion, and so saved his life by losing his way,) when 
he came to Plymouth, they being fully satisfied both of 
the danger and distress those creatures were in, presently 
hasted away a boat to fetch them off, under the command 
of Captain Standish, who, according to the advice given by 
the Sachem, 1 and his Governor's order, finding their con- 
dition more miserable, if well it could [be], than it had been 
represented, offered to carry them off to Ply mouth, but they 
rather desired his assistance to get them shipped away 
in their own vessel, towards the fishing ships to the 
eastward, which he granted, and then seeing them safe un- 
der sail out of the bay, he returned home, but first called 
the conspirators to an account, rewarding the chief of them 
according to their desert, (but Mr. Robinson wishes they 
had converted some, before they had killed any of the 
poor heathen. ) a Not long after this, Mr. Weston him- 
self came over among the fishermen, too soon to under- 
stand the confusion of his Plantation, though not soon 
enough to remedy it ; yet not satisfied therewith, he must 
needs go to see the ruins thereof; but meeting with a 
sad storm he was driven ashore in Ipswich Bay, b and 
hardly escaped with his life, where he was stript by the 
Indians of all but his shirt. But not giving over of his 
purpose, he got to Pascataqua, where he furnished himself 
witli clothes, [and thence] he sailed over to Plymouth. He 
was there beheld with some astonishment and pity by such 
as knew him in his former prosperity, but now was be- 
come so great an object of pity after he had undone him- 
self by helping to make others. The inhabitants of 
Plymouth, as prudent and frugal as they were to improve 

1 Massasoit. — h. 


all advantages for their more comfortable subsistence, 
yet could hardly make a shift to live. How could it then 
otherwise fall out, but that idleness and riotousness 
should clothe the prodigal spendthrifts with rags, and 
bring them to a morsel of bread ! 


The necessities and sufferings of the inhabitants of New 
Plymouth, during their first lustre of years : their 
Patent, how and when obtained. 

The inhabitants of Plymouth in the beginning of the 
year 1623 were reduced to that exigent, that by that time 
they had done planting, all their victuals were spent, so 
as for the following part of the summer they were to de- 
pend only on what the providence of God should cast 
in ; being now driven to make it one constant petition in 
every of their daily prayers, " Give us this day our daily 
bread," not knowing when they went to bed where to 
have a morsel for the next meal, leaving no fragments to 
lay up for the morning, yet through the goodness of di- 
vine bounty never wanted wherewith to satisfy their 
hunger at the least. In these straits they began to think 
of the most expedient ways how to raise corn for their 
necessary support. To that end at the last it was resolved, 
that every one should plant corn for their own particular, 
which accordingly was yielded unto : for it seems hith- 
erto they had been all maintained out of the common 
stock, like one entire family.. Thus they ranged all their 
youth under some family, which course had success 
accordingly ; it being the best way to bring all hands to 
help bear the common burden. By this means was much 
more corn produced than else would have been ; yet 
was it not sufficient to answer the desired end. However, 
those sufferings were borne by them with invincible pa- 
tience and alacrity of spirit, and that for the most part of 
two years, before they could overcome this difficulty. 
In these considerations, it may be said to them that suc- 
ceed in the present generation, those that went before 
have plowed and sowed, and borne the heat and burden 



of the day, but these have entered into the harvest of 
their labors. 

In the year 1623 they had but one boat left, and that 
none of the best, which then was the principal support of 
their lives : for that year it helped them for to improve a 
net wherewith they took a multitude of bass, which was 
their livelihood all that summer. It is a fish not much 
inferior to a salmon, that comes upon the coast every 
summer, pressing into most of the great creeks every 
tide. Few countries have such an advantage. Some- 
times fifteen hundred of them have been stopped in a 
creek, and taken in one tide. But when these failed, 
they used to repair to the clam banks, digging on the 
shores of the sea for these fish. In the winter much use 
was made of ground nuts instead of bread, and for flesh 
they were supplied with all sorts of wild fowls, that used 
to come in great flocks into the marshes, creeks, and 
rivers, which used to afford them variety of flesh enough, 
and sometimes to spare. Thus were they fed immediately 
by the hand of Providence, in a manner almost like as was 
Elijah by the ravens, and Israel in the wilderness. After 
they had for a long time struggled with ||these|| difficulties 
and temptations, (no new thing to those that venture upon 
new Plantations, as may be seen by what Peter Martyr, 
in his Decades, writes of the sufferings of the Spaniards 
in their conquests and first planting the West Indies,) 
at the last, letters 1 were received from the adventurers, 
putting them in some hopes of fresh supplies to be sent 
in a ship called the Paragon, under the command of Mr. 
John Peirce. This man it seems was employed to pro- 
cure them a Patent for the place which they then pos- 
sessed, and some part of the country adjoining, as might 
be convenient for a whole colony to settle upon. But 
this gentleman thus employed had a design of his own, 
which all were not aware of, that made him speak two 
words for himself where he spake one for them ; for it 
seems a little before this time, Nov. 3d, eighteenth year of 
King James' reign, the affairs of New England were put 
into the hands of a great number of worthy Adventurers, 
some of the nobility not being unwilling to the attend- 

|| those || 
1 " Of Dec. 22 and April 9 last," says Bradford, in Prince, p. 217.— h. 


ing so good a work, commonly called the Grand Council 
of Plymouth, by the grant of a Patent, confirmed to them 
by King James of blessed memory, about the year 1620, 
of which more in the next chapter. Now this Peirce 
aforesaid had insinuated by some friends into the said 
Council, and obtained a considerable Patent for a large 
tract of land in his own name, intending to keep it for 
himself and his heirs, purposing to allow the Company of 
Plymouth liberty to hold some parts thereof as tenants 
under him, to whose court they must come as chief 
Lord ; but he was strangely crossed in his enterprises, 
and was forced to vomit up what he had wrongfully 
swallowed down. The ship he had bought in his own 
name, and set out at his own charge, upon hopes of 
great matters, by taking in goods and passengers for the 
company on the account of freight, and so to be delivered 
here ; but though the lot be cast into the lap, the whole 
disposing thereof is of the Lord : here was to appearance 
a notable contrivance for great advantage ; but time and 
chance happens to all men, whereby their purposes are 
oft times disappointed, that are contrived with the greatest 
appearance of seeming policy : this ship was sadly 
blasted from its first setting out : that which is conceived 
in mischief, will certainly bring forth nothing but a lie : 
by what time it had sailed to the Downs, it sprang a 
leak, which was enough to have stopped their voyage : 
but besides that, one strand of their cable was casually 
cut, by an accidental chop, so as it broke in a stress of 
wind that there befel them, where she rode at anchor, 
so as they were in great danger to have been driven on 
the sands. By ||those|| accidents the ship was carried 
back to London, where, after fourteen days, she arrived. 
But being hauled into the dock to be repaired, it cost 
the owners an hundred pounds for her repair ; for the 
recruiting of which loss more passengers were taken in, 
with which she was so pestered, that, after she had got 
halfway the second time, either the old sins of the owner 
and undertaker, or the new ones of the last passengers, 
raised such a storm as sent her back to London a second 
time, or to some other port in England. The storm is 

|j these [J 


reported to be one of the saddest that ever poor men 
were overtaken with, that yet escaped with their lives, 
since that wherein the Apostle Paul suffered shipwreck ; 
of the same length for continuance, and like violence for 
danger. The pilot, or he that was to command the ship, 1 
being some days fastened to the vessel for fear of being 
washed overboard : and sometimes the company could 
scarce tell whether they were in the ship or in the sea, 
being so much overrated with the waves. But at last 
they were, in mercy to some that were embarked with 
them, driven into Portsmouth, with the lives of all the 
sailors and passengers; but having spent their masts, 
their roundhouse and all the upper works beaten off, a 
sad spectacle of a weather beaten vessel, yet as a monu- 
ment of divine goodness, being drawn out of the depths 
and jaws of destruction. The said John Peirce, embarked 
with the rest, by all this tumbling backward and for- 
wards, was at last forced to vomit up the sweet morsel 
which he had swallowed down ; so as the other Adven- 
turers prevailed with him to assign over the Grand 
Patent to the Company, 2 which he had taken in his own 
name : whereby their former Patent was made quite 
void. But Anno 1629 they obtained another Patent by 
the Earl of Warwick and Sir Ferdinando Gorges's act, 
and a grant from the King for the confirmation thereof, 
to make them a corporation in as large and ample man- 
ner as is the Massachusetts/ 

It is probable, the foresaid ship being made unser- 
viceable by the last disasters, the goods and passengers 
were sent to New England with Mr. William ||Peirse|| b in 
another vessel called the Anne, which was said to arrive 
there in the middle of July, 1623, wherein came sundry 
passengers, two of the principal of || 2 whom || were Mr.Tim- 
othy Hatherley and Mr. George Morton. The first meet- 
ing with a sore trial soon after his arrival, by the burning 
of his house, was so impoverished and discouraged there- 
by, that he returned for England the winter following, 
where, having recruited his estate, by the blessing of God 
upon him, he came again to New England some years 
after, where he lived a long time after, a profitable in- 

|| Peirce || || « them || 

1 The master of the ship, says Morton, was Mr. William Peirse. — h. 
* " For .£500, which cost him but £50." Bradford, in Prince, p. 218.— h. 


strument of good both in church and commonwealth, 
and a great support of another Plantation in Plymouth 
Colony called Scituate. The other, Mr. George Morton, 
continued but awhile, yet was found always an unfeigned 
||wellwiller,|| and, according to his sphere and condition, 
a faithful promoter of the public good, laboring always 
to still and silence the murmurings and complaints of 
some discontented spirits, by occasion of the difficulties 
of || 2 these|| new beginnings. But he fell asleep in the Lord, 
within a year after his first arrival, in June 1624, when it 
pleased the Lord to put a period to the days of his pil- 
grimage here. Towards the end of July aforesaid, came 
in also the other vessel, a which the former had lost at sea, 
in which, as well as in the former, came over sundry con- 
siderable persons, who sought the welfare of the Plantation 
^at Plymouth.^ Among the rest, special notice was taken 
of Mr. John Jenny, a leading man, and of a public spirit, 
that improved the interest both of his person and estate, 
to promote the concernments of the Colony ; in which 
service he continued faithful unto the day of his death, 
which happened in the year 1644, leaving this testimony 
behind, that he walked with God, and served his genera- 
tion. As for the rest of the passengers, when they 
came and saw in what a low condition they found their 
friends, they were diversly affected, according to their 
different humors : some relenting with pity toward 
their friends, while others were surprised with grief, 
foreseeing their own sufferings in the glass of their 
neighbors' sorrowful condition. In short, it fared with 
them in general as sometime it did with those that were 
rebuilding the temple at Jerusalem after the captivity, 
when some wept things were no better, while others 
rejoiced they were like to go so well. Yet was the glory 
of that temple, whose foundation was then laid, foretold 
by the prophet to be greater than that of the former 
temple, although it was a long time afore that prophecy 
came to be fulfilled, in the full extent thereof: " who hath 
] despised the day of small things ?" so in a sense it hap- 
pened with this Colony of Plymouth, which was the 
foundation of the flourishing and prosperity that in fol- 
lowing years was seen in the other Colonies. 

|| wellwisher || || 3 those || 



The Council established at Plymouth, in the County of 
Devon, for the ordering the affairs of New England, 
and their proceedings with reference thereto. 

Letters Patents, were, as is intimated before, 1 grant- 
ed by his Majesty, in the year 1606, for the limitation of 
Virginia, which did extend from the 34th to the 44th de- 
gree of north latitude, distinguished into two Colonies, a 
first and a second, (which last, called New England, was 
first christened by Prince Charles, and was appropriated 
to the Cities of Bristol [and] Exon, and town of Plymouth, 
in the west parts of England.) The Adventurers had liberty 
to take their choice for Plantations, any where between 
the degrees of 38 and 44, provided one hundred miles 
distance was left between the two Colonies aforesaid. 
Those that first adventured thither, whatever were the 
misfortunes, calamities, and hindrances, they met withal 
in their first enterprises of planting,were not so discourag- 
ed as wholly to lay aside the design, finding, at ^the^ last, 
much encouragement to go on therewith, by the prudent 
endeavors of Mr. Rocraft, Capt. Darmer, and others em- 
ployed by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, yet held it most con- 
venient to strengthen themselves by a new grant from 
his Royal Majesty; and were the rather induced thereunto 
because they found those of Virginia had by two several 
Patents settled their bounds, and excluded all from inter- 
meddling with them, that were not free of their Company, 
and had wholly altered the form of their government, 
from the first grounds laid for the managing the affairs 
of both Colonies, leaving those of New England as des- 
perates, and their business as abandoned. These con- 
siderations, together with the necessity of settling their 
own affairs and limits, distinct from theirs, made them 
at last rather to petition his majesty for the renewing 
their grant, because, whatsoever hopes they had of ob- 
taining their desires, the rumor thereof was soon spread 
abroad, and the commodities of the place, both fish and 
trade, began to be so looked into, that they met with 

1 See pages 12-13.— h. 


many interruptions, before they could effect their pur- 
pose. Many desired, that all that coast might be made 
free, both to those of Virginia, as well as [to] themselves. 
Others intended to bring the business into the Parlia- 
ment, which about that time was to assemble, hoping 
to prove the same to be a monopoly, and much tending 
to hinder the common good. Upon these motions the 
Adventurers were much questioned about it, before way 
could be made for a new Patent. But both parties be- 
ing heard by the Lords of the Council, and by the Par- 
liament also, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges writes, in the Des- 
cription of New England published in his name, Anno 
1658, the business was by them so ordered, that they 
were directed to proceed, and to have their grant agree- 
able to the liberty of the Virginia Company, the form of 
their government only excepted. All parties not being 
satisfied herewith, it was heard another time before it 
was concluded : yea, after it had passed the seals, it was 
stopped upon new suggestions to the King, and by his 
Majesty returned to the Council to be settled ; by whom 
the former order was confirmed, the differences cleared, 
and they ordered to have their Patent at last delivered to 
them, bearing date at Westminster, Nov. 3, 1620, as is 
recited in the beginning of that afterwards granted to 
the Company of the Massachusetts. The substance of 
the said Grand Charier is set down in the thirty-first 
chapter of this history following. But ||these|| honorable 
persons to whom the said Patent was made, having laid 
their foundation upon the royal grant of so great and 
sovereign a prince, imagined it could never fail, and 
cast their designs in the mould of a principality, or royal 
state, intending to build their edifice proportionable their 
platform, after the mode of the realm, from whence the 
country had its first denomination. For they || 2 purposed|| 
to commit the management of their whole affairs to a 
General || 3 Governor||, assisted by so many of the Paten- 
tees as should be there resident upon the place, together 
with the officers of state, as Treasurer, Admiral, Master of 
the Ordnance, [and] Marshal, with other persons of judg- 
ment and experience, as by the President and Council then 

|| those || || * proposed || || 3 government || 


established, for the better governing those affairs, should 
be thought fit : resolving also, (because all men are wont 
most willingly to submit to those ordinances, constitu- 
tions, and orders, themselves have had an hand in the 
framing of,) the general laws, whereby the state should 
have been governed, should be first framed and agreed 
upon by the General Assembly of the states of those 
parts, both spiritual and temporal. 

In prosecution of this purpose and intendment the Coun- 
cil of Plymouth aforesaid, or some that acted [with] their 
power, did, in the year 1623, send over to New England 
some of the forementioned general officers ; for about 
the end of June, 1623, arrived in New England Captain 
Francis West, who was sent with a commission from 
the said Council, to be Admiral of all the country, to re- 
strain interlopers, and such as came either to fish or trade 
upon the coast, without license from them. In the end of 
August following,* arrived there Captain Robert Gorges, 
son of Sir Ferdinando, sent from the Council, as Lieuten- 
ant-General over all New England, for preventing and re- 
forming all such evils and abuses as had been complained 
of, to be committed by the fishermen and others, who 
not only without order and leave frequented those coasts, 
but, when they were there, brought a reproach upon the 
nation by their lewdness and wickedness among the 
savages, abusing their women openly, and teaching their 
people drunkenness, with other beastly demeanors; 
for the HregulatingH of all which matters was the said Gen- 
eral Governor sent over, not without intent also to 
begin some new Plantation, in some part of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay, for which end the said Captain Gorges had 
a Patent assigned him, for a place called Massachusiack, 
on the northeast side of the said bay, containing thirty 
miles in length, and ten in breadth up into the main 
land. a Captain West aforesaid and Christopher || 2 Levet,|| 
Esq., (who came over about the same time with intent 
to begin another Plantation somewhere else, but without 
success,) with the Governor of Plymouth Colony for that 
time being, || 3 \vere|| appointed to be his Council,yef grant- 
ing him authority to choose such other as he should 

|| regulation || || 2 Lovet || || 3 was || 

* Middle of September. P. I. 141.— Ed. [Hale's ed. p. 221.— H.] 


think fit. Divers of his friends, it seems, promising to 
send suitable supplies after him, but they withdrew when 
they understood how Sir Ferdinando was like to speed 
in the Parliament, where Sir Edward Cooke, the speaker 
at that time, (a great patron of the liberties of the peo- 
ple, and as great an enemy to all projectors,) endeavor- 
ed to have the whole design of the Council of Plymouth 
condemned as a monopoly, and a breach of the liberties 
of the subject. The gentlemen on whom Captain Gorges 
had his dependence for supplies, upon this occasion with- 
holding their assistance, they who were personally en- 
gaged in the design were thereby made uncapable of 
doing any thing to purpose, and so the whole business 
came to nothing. For, after some troublesome agita- 
tions between Captain Gorges and Mr. Weston, who was 
by him called to account for the ill managing his Planta- 
tion at Weymouth, and for abusing his license from Sir 
Ferdinando for carrying over ordnance, (which matter 
was composed betwixt them by the wisdom of the Gov- 
ernor of Plymonth.) the General Governor,Captain Rob- 
ert Gorges, soon returned home, scarce having saluted 
the country in his government, nor continued much 
longer in it than Tully's Vigilant Consul, that had not 
leisure, during his whole consulship, so much as once to 
take his sleep. For finding the place to answer neither 
his quality nor condition, nor the hopes he had conceived 
thereof, he had but small encouragement for longer 
abode in such a remote and desert land, not like in a 
long time to be inhabited. By this ||experience|| of Captain 
Robert Gorges, it appears how great a difference there 
is between the theoretical and practical part of an enter- 
prise. The Utopian fancy of any projector may easily 
in imagination frame a flourishing Plantation, in such a 
country as was New England ; but to the actual accom- 
plishing thereof there is required a good number of 
resolved people, qualified with industry, experience, pru- 
dence, and estate, to carry on such a design to perfection, 
much of which were wanting in the present design. 

It is said that one Mr. Morel came over with the said 
Captain, who was to have had a superintendency over 

|| experiment || 


other churches, but he did well in not opening his com- 
mission till there appeared a subject matter to work 
upon. By this means the design of a royal state, that so 
many honorable persons had been long travailing with, 
proved abortive : and the persons concerned therein not 
long after were in danger to have fallen into a contrary 
extreme, by as great an error; viz. in cantoning the whole 
country into so many petty lordships, and smaller divis- 
ions, that little or nothing for the future could for a long 
time be effectually carried on, amongst so many pretend- 
ers to grants of lands, charters, and patents, for want of 
establishing an orderly government under which all the 
planters might have been united for the public and 
general good. " For after the Parliament in the year 
1621 was broken up ||in|| some discontent, the King not 
being well pleased with the speeches of some particular 
persons, that seemed to trench further on his honor and 
safety, than he saw meet to give way unto ; and all 
hope of alteration in the government of the church, ex- 
pected by many, being thereby taken away, several of 
the discreeter sort, to avoid what they saw themselves 
obnoxious unto at home, made use of their friends to 
procure liberty from the Council of Plymouth to settle 
some colony within their limits, which was granted ; " a 
besides those of Mr. Robinson's church, which was first 
obtained in the west of England. And so far was the 
matter proceeded in, that, within a short time after King 
James's death, 1 a great number of people began to flock 
thither, insomuch that notice was so far taken thereof by 
the King's Council, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges, (as him- 
self relates, 2 ) who had been instrumental to draw over 
those that began the Colonies of New Plymouth and the 
Massachusetts, was ordered to confer with such as 
were chiefly interested in the Plantation of New England, 
to know whether they would wholly resign to his Majesty 
and his Council their Patent, leaving the sole manage- 
ment of their public affairs to them, with reservation of 
every man's right formerly granted, or whether they 
would stand to the said Patent, and execute the business 
among themselves; and to have the said Patent renewed, 


1 At Theobalds, April 8, 1625, aged 59.— h. ■ America Painted to the 
Life, &c., (Sm. 4to. Lond. 1659.) Part 2, pp. 38, 43-5.— h. 


with the reformation or addition of such things as should 
be found expedient. The gentlemen, to whom this 
proposition was made, were willing to submit all to his 
Majesty's pleasure, yet desired that upon the resignation 
of their Patent the whole might be divided among the 
Patentees. This, as was said, happening about the year 
1635, 1 sundry parcels thereof, that had been granted by 
mutual consent §to several of the Patentees,^ were con- 
firmed anew. By this occasion Sir William Alexander, 
(since Earl of Sterling,) had a tract of land assigned him 
to the eastward from St. Croix to Pemmaquid, on his 
account called Nova Scotia, to whom was added on 
some such account, Long Island, then called Mattan- 
wake ; or else he obtained it from the Earl of Carlisle 
as is by many affirmed. Captain Mason obtained a grant 
for Naumkeag, §sc.,§ about the year 1621, [and] the 
land between Naumkeag and Pascataqua ^river,^ which 
he had confirmed in the year 1635, as is said. Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges, in like manner, obtained afterwards a grant 
for all the land from Pascataqua to Sagade Hock, which 
was confirmed to him by a distinct charter about the 
year 1639, &c. But the other divisions not being per- 
fected in King James's days, were never looked after, and 
new ones were made in the beginning of King Charles's 
reign; by whom were Patents granted to several Adven- 
turers, which at that time presented themselves. And as 
some particular persons put in for their several grants, so 
did the merchants and other gentlemen belonging to some 
cities and towns, as of Shrewsbury, Dorchester, [and] Ply- 
mouth, who obtained several grants for themselves about 
the mouth and upper branches of Pascataqua river, who 
employed as their agents Mr. Thomson, 2 Capt. Neale, 
Capt. Wiggon, and one Mr. Williams, with Mr. Samuel 
Maverick and others. And among the rest some knights, 
gentlemen and merchants about Dorchester, by the ad- 
vice of one Mr. White, an eminent preacher there, ob- 
tained a Patent for all that part of New England that lies 
between three miles to the northward of Merrimack 
river, and three miles to the southward of Charles river, 
the seat of the Massachusetts Colony ; the affairs of which, 
principally intended for the subject of the following dis- 

1 See pages 226-32. — h. 2 See page 105. — h. 


course, shall in what follows be more particularly and 
distinctly spoken unto in their place, after the affairs of 
Plymouth and the planting thereof are a little further 
laid open. 


The addition of more Assistants to the || Governor || of 
Plymouth Colony, with some passages most remarkable 
there, in the years 1624, 1625. 

Of the people that came along with Captain Robert 
Gorges, in hope of raising their fortunes by some new 
colony or plantation in New England, some returned 
back with their Captain that brought them ; others went 
on to Virginia, either out of discontent and dislike of the 
country, or out of necessity for want of means to subsist 
longer therein. Plymouth people were not able to supply 
them, (having not enough for themselves), after their 
own provisions were burnt up by a fire accidentally 
kindled by some roystering seamen, that were entertain- 
ed in the common house, that belonged to the inhab- 
itants, where their goods were lodged. It was strongly 
suspected, by a long firebrand, which was found in a 
shed at the end of the storehouse, by some that put out 
the fire, that it was done on purpose. However, those 
of Plymouth accounted themselves bound to acknowl- 
edge the goodness of God in preserving their own store 
of ammunition and provision from a dangerous fire, 1 
(whether casually or wilfully kindled.) With such diffi- 
culties as have been forementioned was the third year 
concluded, after the first settling of that Plantation. 

That which happened as most remarkable in the follow- 
ing year, 1624, was, first, the addition of five Assistants to 
their Governor, Mr. Bradford, upon whose motion it was 
done. His judgment and prudence had now, for the 
three years past, commended him to the highest place of 
rule amongst them, by the unanimous consent of all the 
people. But now he solemnly desired them to change the 
person, when they renewed their election, and to add 
more for help and counsel, and the better carrying on of 
public affairs, using this plausible reason, that if it were 

|| government || 
1 On the 5th of November, 1623. See Prince, pp. 222-3.— h. 


any honor or benefit, it was fit that others should be 
made partakers thereof, and if it were a burden, (as it 
was judged in Jotham's parable 1 by all the trees save the 
ambitious bramble,) it was but equal that others should 
help to bear it. This reason was found more cogent in 
the succeeding Colonies, when several persons were 
ready at hand equally fitted for the government, where the 
Governor was often changed, at least in two of them, till 
of latter times, in which the choice of the people hath 
always run in the same channel, pitching upon the same 
person so long, if not longer, than he was well able to 
stand under the weight and burden thereof. And indeed, 
though it is safe ||where|| there is a liberty reserved for a 
change in case, yet too frequent making use thereof 
was never found advantageous to the subjects. But 
as to the people of New Plymouth — in their General 
Court of this year, they dealt very honorably with 
their Governor, in that, having yoked five || 2 more|| besides 
himself in the government, they gave him the advantage 
of the yoke, by a double voice, || 3 or|| the casting vote;* 
And with that number of Assistants they rested contented 
till the year 1633,^ when two more were added, which 
number, since that time, was never exceeded in any of 
their elections. 2 

That which, in the second place, was looked upon as 
remarkable, was the safe return of their agent, Mr. Ed- 
ward Winslow, who, being employed for the Colony in 
occasions of great weight, now arrived there in the 
beginning of this year, 3 bringing with him considerable 
supplies for their spiritual good, as was thought at first, 
as well as for their temporal. For he brought over 
with him one Mr. Lyford, a minister of the Gospel, upon 
the account of the Adventurers at London, approved by 
them as an able minister, and willing to run the hazard 
of a wilderness life, to enjoy the liberty of his own judg- 
ment in matters of religion. When he came first over 
he was received with great joy and applause, making a 
|| 4 prae seTerens|| of more respect and humility than the 
people knew well how to understand. But upon a little 
further experience, finding his principles in matter of church 

|| when [| || 2 men || || 3 on j| || 4 [profession] || 

1 Judges ix. 7-15.— h. 2 See p. 100.— it. 3 In March, in the Charity.— h. 



discipline not to suit so well with theirs, they took up a 
great displeasure against him, and could not be contented 
till they had shut their hands of him, alleging things against 
him of another nature than difference of his judgment. 
For some, that kept the records of their principal affairs, 
have left a very bad character of him, as of one that was 
not only very fickle and unconstant in his judgment about 
the things of religion, but as one that wanted soundness 
and uprightness in his practice and conversation. For 
at his first'receiving into the church, they say he blessed 
God for such an opportunity of liberty and freedom from 
his former disorderly walking, and sundry corruptions 
he had been entangled with, yet in short time after fell 
into acquaintance with Mr. Oldham, and was partner 
with him in all his (as those of Plymouth accounted 
them) seditious after-practices, growing both of them 
very perverse, and drawing as many as they could into 
the same faction with them, though of the viler and 
looser sort, (a thing too common where faction, either in 
church or state, doth much prevail, witness the experience 
of the perilous times in these latter, as well as in former, 
days.) feeding themselves and others with vain hopes of 
what they should bring to pass in England by means of 
the Adventurers, who since, as they of that place account, 
have proved adversaries to the Plantation. It is said 
also, that they who were of the faction writ many private 
letters to England full of complaints against the Colony 
and church of Plymouth, using great endeavors to turn 
things about to another form of government, at least to 
some considerable alteration therein. But the Gover- 
nor outwitted them, finding an handsome way to get 
either their letters or copies of them, before the return of 
the ship in which they were to be sent ; whereby both 
the principal actors, and all their confederates, were easily 
convicted, as soon as ever they were called to an account. 
Whereupon sentence was passed upon them, more favor- 
ably, as some report, than their fact deserved, yet such 
as required their departures out of the Colony within a 
short time after, and not to return without leave. Yet at 
the next Court of Election, in the year 1625, Mr. Oldham 
returned without license, set on by others as was thought, 


carrying it very badly withal, and giving too much vent 
to his unruly passions, which forced the Court to commit 
him till he was tamer, and then they granted him an 
honorable passport through a military HBumme-GuardU, 1 
toward the place where he was to take boat, yet using no 
worse word as he passed by, than bidding him amend 
his manners, which it is reported that afterwards he did, 
drawn thereunto by divine conviction in a sad storm, 
upon which he confessed his miscarriages, and was after- 
ward permitted to come and go at his pleasure, and as 
his occasions led him, spending his time, for the general, 
in trading with the Indians, amongst whom afterwards 
he lost his life, which was one occasion of the Pequod 
war, as shall be declared afterwards. 2 

As for Mr. Lyford, who was sent over for their minis- 
ter, it is said that, after his dismission from Plymouth, 
he never returned thither again ; but took up his station 
first at Nantasket, whither some of his most charitable 
friends repaired with him, affording him the best en- 
couragement they could for his support, during his 
abode with them. However, Mr. Lyford, finding the 
company to be but small, and unable to do much for 
him, and he unable to do anything for himself, and see- 
ing little hopes of the addition of more to them, removed 
soon after to Virginia, where he ended his days. Some 
that came over with him, that knew nothing of the wick- 
edness he w r as guilty of in Ireland, out of too much 
chanty judged of him much better than ever he deserved, 
both of him and of Mr. Oldham, and speak in a man- 
ner quite contrary to what is recorded in New England's 
Memorial : and that his greatest error, and that which 
made him and the. rest be looked upon as so great 
offenders amongst them, was, their antipathy against the 
way of the Separation, wherein those of Plymouth had 
been trained up under Mr. Robinson. As to other 
things, some of their friends yet surviving do affirm, 
upon their own knowledge, that both the forenamed per- 
sons were looked upon as seemingly, at least, religious : 
and that the first occasion of the quarrel with them was, 
the baptizing of Mr. Hilton's child, who was not joined 

|| * * guard || 

1 See Bradford, in Prince, pp. 231-2 ; and Davis's Morton, pp. 120-1.— h. 

2 See page 248. — h. 


to the church at Plymouth : which, if there were any 
tolerable ground that it should pass for a truth, the term of 
wickedness wherewith their practices ||were|| branded in 
the Memorial of New England seems a little, if not much, 
too harsh, for according to the old rule, " de mortuis nil 
nisi lene," speak well of the dead. The difference of 
men's principles and disadvantages of their natural 
temper (wherein they are apt much to be misled in the 
managingof their designs,) oughtrather, when there is sin- 
cerity, to be imputed to the weakness of their virtues, than 
the wickedness of their vices. 1 Whatever may be said this 
way af^utthe present difference amongst the planters of 
Plymouth Colony, the sad effects of that storm were not 
so soon over, as the story of the things said or done was 
told. A small tempest may hazard the loss of a weak 
vessel, as an inconsiderable distemper may much en- 
danger the welfare of a crazy body. For it seems sundry 
of the Adventurers, more studious of their profit than the 
advancing of the religion of the Separation, were pretty 
stiffly engaged in the business; and from that time ever 
after withdrew their supplies, leaving the Plantation to shift 
for itself, and stand or fall as it could. Yet this was their 
comfort, that when man forsook them, God took them 
up, succeeding their after endeavors with his blessing 
in such wise, that they were in some measure able to 
subsist of themselves ; especially for that, within awhile 
after, they began to be furnished with neat cattle, the 
first || 2 breed|| of which was brought to Plymouth by Mr. 
Winslow, in the year 1624. 

In the year following, viz. 1625, they fell into a way 
of trading with the Indians more eastward, about the 
parts of Kennibeck; being provided of so much corn 
by their own industry at home, that they were able, to 
their no small advantage, to lend, or send rather, to those 
in other parts, who by reason of the coldness of the 
country, used not to plant any for themselves. For what 
was done this year, with reference to Kennibeck, proved 
an inlet to a further trade that way, which was found 
very beneficial to the Plantation afterwards. 

One other passage of Providence is here also taken 

|| are || || 2 brood || 

1 See Prince, p. 232.— h. 


notice of, by the inhabitants of Plymouth, Anno 1625 ; a 
very remarkable one. The Adventurers, having left this 
their new Colony to subsist of itself, and trade up and 
down the world, before it was well able at home to stand 
alone, did notwithstanding send two ships upon a fishing 
design upon the coast that year. In the lesser of them 
was sent home by the Plantation to the merchants, the 
Adventurers, a good quantity of beaver and other furs, to 
make payment for a parcel of goods sent them before, 
upon extreme rates ; but the said vessel, though in com- 
pany of the other that* was bigger, all the way over, and 
shot deep into the English channel, yet was then sur- 
prised by a Turk's man of war, and carried into Sallee, 
where the said furs were sold for [a] groat a'piece, which 
was as much too cheap, as the Adventurers' goods, by 
which they were produced, were thought by the purchas- 
ers to be too dear; the master and his men being made 
slaves into the bargain, which both Adventurers and 
planters had reason much to bewail. 

In the bigger of the said ships was Captain Miles Stan- 
dish sent over as agent for the Plantation, to make an 
end of some matters of difference yet depending betwixt 
them and the merchants of London, their correspond- 
ents, as also to promote some business with the honor- 
able Council of New England ; both which, notwith- 
standing the difficulty he met withal relating to those 
occasions by reason of the pestilence then rife at Lon- 
don, were happily accomplished by him, so far as he left 
things in an hopeful way of composition with the one, 
and a promise of all helpfulness and favor from the 
other. By this turn of Providence the common opinion 
of Providence is confuted, of men's venturing their persons 
where they venture their estates. Had Captain Stan- 
dish so done, he had been carried to a wrong port, from 
which he had certainly made a bad return for their ad- 
vantage that sent him out, as well as his own; for his 
goods were sent home in the small vessel, taken by the 
men of Sallee, (where ||their|| beaver skins were sold but 
i for [a] groat apiece,) but he wisely embarked himself, for 
greater safety, in the bigger vessel, and so arrived in 
safety at his desired port. , 

|| the || 




Affairs in the Colony of New Plymouth, political and eccle- 
siasticaU during the second lustre of years, viz. from ■ 
March 26, 1626, to March 26, 1631. 

The first year of this second lustre was ushered in to 
the church of New Plymouth with the doleful news of 
the death 1 of Mr. John Robinson, their faithful and be- 
loved pastor, about the fiftieth year of his age, who with 
the rest of the church was left behind at Leyden, when 
these transported themselves into America ; which was 
yet made more grievous by the report of the loss of some 
of their other friends and relations, swept away by the 
raging pestilence aforesaid : which happening together 
with the forementioned losses suffered by their friends, 
much increased the sorrow of their hearts ; so that it 
turned their joy, which the safe arrival of their agent, 
Captain Standish, called for, into much heaviness, they 
having thereby the experience of the Apostle's words 
verified upon them, sorrowing most of all, for that they 
must now conclude they should see his face no more. 2 
For before the arrival of this sad tidings, they were not 
without all hope of seeing his > face in New England, 
notwithstanding the many obstructions laid in the way, 
by some ill-affected persons as they conceived. He was, 
as it seemed, highly respected of his people, (now dis- 
persed into two companies, further asunder than was 
Dothan and Hebron, 3 ) as they were also of him. That 
which was the principal remora that detained him with 
the rest in Holland is not mentioned by any of his friends 
here, yet may it easily be supposed, viz. the sad difficul- 
ties, and sore trials, that his friends in New England 
had hitherto been encountered withal ; s# as those that 
were here could not seriously advise him and the rest 
to follow them, till things were brought to some better 
settlement in this their new Plantation, together with 
some back friends that did all they could to obstruct 
his coming over. The temptations of a wilderness, 
though not invincible, yet may be very hard to over- 
come ; witness the experience of Israel of old, who 

1 On March 1, 1624-5.— h. 2 Acts xx 3 8._ H . 

3 Gen. xxxvii. 17. — h. 


were only to pass through it, and not first plant it, as 
were those here. The small hopes these had of their 
pastor's coming over to them, being heretofore revived 
by the new approach of the shipping every spring, 
possibly made them more slow in seeking out for ano- 
ther supply, as also more difficult in their choice of any 
other. But these hopes being now quite extinct, they 
found it no easy matter to pitch upon a meet person at 
so great a distance : nor was it easy to have obtained 
him whom they might have chosen, and therefore were 
they constrained to live without the supply of that office, 
making good use of the abilities of their ruling elder, Mr. 
Brewster, who was qualified both to rule well, and also 
to labor in the word and doctrine, although he could 
never be persuaded to take upon him the pastoral office, 
for the administration of the sacraments, &c. In this way 
they continued till the year 1629, when one Mr. Ralph 
Smith, who came over into the Massachusetts, and finding 
no people there that stood in any need of his labors, he 
was easily persuaded to remove to Plymouth ; him they 
called to exercise the office of a pastor, more induced 
thereunto, possibly, by his approving the rigid way of the 
Separation principles, than any fitness for the office he un- 
dertook ; being much overmatched by him that he was 
joined with in the presbytery, 1 both in point of discretion 
torule, andaptness to teach, so asthrough many infirmities, 
being found unable to discharge the trust committed to 
him with any competent satisfaction, he was forced soon af- 
ter to lay it down. Many times it is found that a total vacan- 
cy of an office is easier to be borne, than an under-per- 
formance thereof. However, those of Plymouth comfort- 
ed themselves, that they had the honor to set an example 
for others to imitate, and lay the foundation for those 
that came after to build upon, sc. to raise up the taber- 
nacle of David in those days of the earth, not that was 
fallen down, but that which was never set up there before, 
that this last residue of the Gentiles, in America, might 
seek after God, at least have an opportunity to turn unto 
him, before their times should be fulfilled. And at this 

1 Elder Brewster. — h. 


day the hopefullest company of Christian Indians do live 
within the. bounds of Plymouth Colony. 

But to return to the state of the civil affairs of this our 
new Plantation : the first part of this lustre being thus 
run out without any considerable matter acted in the 
Plantation, the following or second year put them upon 
some further attempts for setting things in a way of bet- 
ter subsistence. For in the first place Mr. Isaac Aller- 
ton was sent to England 1 to make a final issue, by com- 
position or otherwise, of the matter depending there be- 
tween the Adventurers and the Plantation, according to 
what had been the year before begun by Captain Standish. 
Accordingly the said Allerton returned in the usual sea- 
son 2 of the following year, ||having|| a dispatched the af- 
fair he was employed in according to expectation. But 
for matters at home among themselves, in the said year 
1627, in the first place they apprehended a necessity of 
granting a larger distribution of land than ever yet they 
had done: for it seems hitherto they had allowed to each 
person but one acre for his propriety, besides his home- 
stead or garden plot, that they might the better keep to- 
gether, for more safety and defence, and better improve- 
ment of the general stock, therein following the prudent 
example of the conquering Romans in their first begin- 
nings, when every man contented himself with two acres 
of land, or as much ground as he could till in one day ; 
thence it came to pass with them, that the word Jugerum 
was used to signify the quantity of a^i acre with us, i. e. 
so much as a yoke of oxen did usually eare (from the Lat- 
in arare) in one day. And amongst them he was looked at 
as a dangerous person, that did aspire to more than seven 
such acres : the reason of which division among the Ro- 
mans seems rather to be taken from the good quality of the 
soil, than the greatness or 3 quantity of the portion, it being 
more than probable that seven acres of their land, well im- 
proved, would bring forth more good grain than four times 
that number in or about Patuxet, now called Plymouth. 
But to be short, our friends, in this their second distribu- 
tion, did arise but to twenty acres a man, i. e. five acres 
in breadth at the water side, and four in breadth up- 

|| when he || 

1 " I suppose in the fall," says Prince, p. 239. — h. 

a In the spring. Prince, p. 242.— h. ' 3 First written of 'the.— h. 


wards toward the main land, resolving to keep such a 
mean in the division of their lands, as should not hinder 
the growth of the Plantation by the accession of others, to 
be added to their number, which example and practice 
it find been well for New England it had been longer 
followed ; for then probably, though they had had fewer 
Plantations,' those which they had would have more 
easily been defended against the barbarous assaults of 
their savage and cruel enemies. 

During this time the painful and diligent labor of this 
poor people is not to be forgotten, who all this while 
were forced to pound their corn in mortars, not having 
ability in their hands to erect other engines to grind, by 
the help either of the winds or water, as since hath been 
commonly obtained. 

This year also happened a memorable accident (re- 
corded by the inhabitants ||there|| ) of a ship with many 
passengers bound for Virginia, who, having lost them- 
selves at sea, (either through the insufficiency or bodily 
inability of the master and his men, or numbers of the 
passengers, the scurvy having strangely infected the 
bodies or minds of the whole company,) did in the night 
stumble over the shoals of Cape Cod, and the next day 
were forced over a sandy bar that lay at the mouth of a 
small harbor in || 2 Manamoick|| Bay, by which means their 
lives were all preserved. For news thereof being brought 
to the Governor of Plymouth, he afforded them assist- 
ance to repair their vessel,* but for want of good mooring 
she was forced ashore, where at last she laid her bones ; 
the company being all courteously entertained by the 
inhabitants, till they could get themselves transported to 
their intended port, all but some that remained as monu- 
ments of special mercy in the country where they had 
been so eminently delivered. 1 

This year, (1627,) likewise began an intercourse of 
trade between our friends of New Plymouth and a Plan- 
tation of the Dutch, that had a little before settled them- 
selves upon Hudson's river, Mr. Isaac De Rosier, the 
Dutch Secretary, being sent to congratulate the English 
at Plymouth in their enterprise, desiring a mutual cor- 
respondency, in way of traffic and good neighborhood, 
upon account of the propinquity of their native soils and 

|| themselves || || 2 Merrimack || 

1 The chief amongst them are Mr. Fells and Mr. Silsby ; the master, 


long continued friendship between the two nations. 4 
This overture was courteously accepted, by the Gov- 
ernor and people of New Plymouth, and was the founda- 
tion of an advantageous trade that, in following years, 
was carried on between the English in these parts,. and 
the said Plantation of the Dutch, to their mutual benefit. 
But whatever were the honey in the mouth of that beast 
of trade, there was a deadly sting in the tail. For, it is 
said, they first brought our people to the knowledge of 
Wampampeag; and the acquaintance therewith occasioned 
the Indians of these parts to learn the skill to make it, by 
which, as by the exchange of money, they purchased 
store of artillery, both from the English, Dutch, and 
French, which hath proved a fatal business to those that 
were concerned in it. 1 It seems the trade thereof was at 
first, by strict Proclamation, 1 prohibited by the King; "Sed 
quid non mortalia pectora cogis, Auri sacra fames?" 2 
" The love of money is the root of all evil." 3 No banks 
will keep out the swelling sea of their exorbitant desire, 
that make haste to be rich, which is ready to drown men's 
bodies, as well as souls, in perdition, that are resolved so 
to be, right or wrong. For the remaining years of this 
second lustre, little else is kept in mind, by any of the 
inhabitants, worth the communicating to posterity, save 
the death of some principal men that had borne a deep 
share in the difficulties and troubles of first settling the 
Plantation ; such as Mr. Richard Warren 4 and others, 
who ended their pilgrimage here on earth ; and after 
much labor and anxiety, both of body and mind, quietly 
fell asleep in the Lord. Foundation and corner stones, 
though buried, and lying low under ground, and so out 
of sight, ought not to be out of mind ; seeing they sup- 
port and bear up the weight of the whole building. " The 
memory of the just shall be blessed." 

During all this lustre, also, the people of Plymouth 
held the same course in their elections ; nor did they 
make any alteration till the year 1633, when Mr. Edward 
Winslow was first chosen Governor; *to whom were 
added two more Assistants, seven in all, with which 
number last, that Colony ever since contented themselves 
as was said before.* 5 

1 This Proclamation, prohibiting " interloping and disorderly trading to 
New England in America," bears date Nov. 6, 1622, and may be seen in 
Hazard's State Papers, i. 151-2. — h. 2 Virgil, JEn. in. 56.— h. 

3 1 Tim. vi. 10.— h. 4 In 1628, says Morton.— h. 5 See pa<?e 91.— h. 


But forasmuch as, about the beginning of this lustre, 
at least before it was half run out, the Massachusetts Bay 
was begun to be v planted, so that after 1628 the history 
of the affairs of New England is to be turned into that 
channel ; we must, in what follows, look a little back, till 
we come to the springhead of that stream, and take no- 
tice of every turn of Providence that helped to raise or 
increase that broad river with streams ; of which more in 
the next, and following chapters. 

About September, 1 §in the year^ 1630, was one Bil- 
lington executed at Plymouth for murther. When the 
world was first peopled, and but one family to do that, 
there was yet too many to live peaceably together ; so 
when this wilderness began first to be peopled by the 
English, when there was but one poor town, another Cain 
was found therein, who maliciously slew his neighbor in 
the field, as he accidentally met him, as himself was go- 
ing to shoot deer. The poor fellow perceiving the intent 
of this Billington, his mortal enemy, sheltered himself 
behind trees as well as he could for a while ; but the 
other, not being so ill a marksman as to miss his aim, 
made a shot at him, and struck him on the shoulder, 
with which he died soon after. The murtherer expect- 
ed that, either for want of power to execute for capital 
offences, or for want of people to increase the Plantation, 
he should have his life spared ; but justice otherwise 
determined^ and rewarded him, the 'first murtherer of his 
neighbor there, with the deserved punishment of death, 
for a warning to others. 


The discovery and first planting of the Massachusetts. 

Several mariners, and persons skilled in navigation, 
(whether employed by others in a way of fishing and 
trading, or to satisfy their own humors in making further 
and more exact discoveries of the country, is not mate- 
rial,) had some years before looked down into the Mas- 
sachusetts Bay. The inhabitants of New Plymouth had 
heard the fame thereof, and in the first year after their 

1 In October, says Prince, p. 319. — h. 


arrival there, took an occasion to visit it, 1 gaining some 
acquaintance with the natives of the place, in order to 
future traffic with them ; for which purpose something 
like a habitation was set up at Nantaskit, a place judged 
then most commodious for such an end. There Mr. 
Roger Conant, with some few others, after Mr. Lyford 
and Mr. Oldham were, (for some offence, real or suppos- 
ed,) discharged from 2 having any thing more to do at 
Plymouth, found a place of retirement and reception for 
themselves and families, for the space of a year and 
some few months, till a door was opened for them at - 
Cape Anne, a place on the other side the Bay, (more 
convenient for those that belong to the tribe of Zebulon, 
than for those that chose to dwell in the tents of Issa- 
char,) whither they removed about the year 1625 ; §and^ 
afte'r they had made another short trial ||thereof, for about|| 
a year's continuance, they removed a third time, ^down^ 
a little lower towards the bottom of the Bay, being invited 
by the accommodations which they either saw or hoped to 
find on the other side of a creek near by, called Naum- 
keag, which afforded a considerable quantity of planting 
land near adjoining thereto. Here they took up their 
station, upon a pleasant and fruitful neck of land, envi- 
roned with an arm of the sea on each side, in either of 
which vessels and ships of good burthen might safely an- 
chor. In this place, (soon after by a minister 3 that came 
with a company of honest planters called Salem, from that 
in Ps. Ixxvi. 2.) was laid the first foundation on which the 
next Colonies were built. The occasion which led them 
to plant here, shall be mentioned afterwards. For the 
better carrying on the story of which, mention must in 
the first place be made of what was doing on the other 
side of the Bay, towards Plymouth, by a company of 
rude people there, left by one Captain Wollaston, called 
Mount Wollaston, from his name that first possessed it ; 
but since, it is by the inhabitants, after it arose to the 
perfection of a township or village, called Braintree. 
This Captain, not taking notice of the great estate and 
whole stock of credit which Mr. Weston had not long 
before shipwrecked at a place near by, called Wessagus- 

||there, of about || 

1 See pp. 68-9.— h. 8 For in the MS.— h. 

3 Francis Higginson. See p. 112. — h. 


quasset, attempted in like manner to try his fortune in 
this fatal place, about the year 1625, yet had he this con- 
sideration, as not to venture all his own stock, ^or^ in one 
single bottom ; for three or four more were embarked with 
him in the same design, who rather took New England 
hi their way to make a trial, than to pitch their hopes 
ultimately thereon. 

These brought with them a great many servants, with 
suitable provisions, and other requisites necessary to 
raise a Plantation ; with which they might have effected 
their purpose well enough, as they have done that 
came after, had it not been for one Morton, a master of 
misrule, that came along in company with the rest, that 
sometimes had been a pettifogger of Furnivall's Inn, 
and possibly might bring some small adventure of his 
own, or other men's, with the rest. But after they had 
spent much labor, cost, and time in planting this place, 
and saw that it brought in nought but a little dear 
bought experience, the Captain transports a great part of 
the servants to Virginia 1 ; and that place at the first sight 
he likes so well, that he writes back to Mr. Rasdale, his" 
chief partner, to bring another part of them along with 
him, intending to put them off there, as he had done the 
t rest, leaving one Filcher behind, as their Lieutenant, to 
govern the rest of the Plantation till they should take 
further order. 

But in their absence, this Morton took the counsel of x 
the wicked husbandmen about the vineyard in the para- 
ble : for making the company merry one night, he per- 
suaded them to turn out Filcher, and keep possession 
for themselves, promising himself to be a partner with 
them, and telling them that otherwise they were like all 
to be sold for slaves, as were the rest of their fellows, if 
ever Rasdale returned. This counsel was easy to be 
taken, as suiting well with the genius of young men, to 
eat, drink, and be merry, w 7 hile the good things lasted, 
which was not long, by that course which was taken with 
them ; more being flung away in some merry meetings, 
than, with frugality, would have maintained the w 7 hole 
company divers months. In fine, they improved what 

1 In the fall of 1626. Prince, page 240.— h. 



goods the j had, by trading with the Indians awhile, and 
spent it as merrily about a May-pole 1 ; and, as if they had 
found a mine, or spring of plenty, called the place Merry 
Mount. " Thus stolen waters are sweet, and bread eaten 
in secret is pleasant ; " till it be found, that " the dead are 
there, and her guests in the depths of hell." 2 

News of this school of profaneness, opened at Merry 
Mount, being brought to Mr. Endicott, the deputed 
Governor of the Massachusetts, soon after his arrival, in 
the year 1628, he went to visit it, and made such refor- 
mation as his wisdom and zeal led him unto. After this, 
Morton, like the unjust steward in the Gospel, to provide 
himself of a way of subsistence, after he was turned out 
of his office, began to comply with the Indians, being, 
as is reported by those of Plymouth, the first that taught 
them the use of guns, and furnished them with powder, 
shot, and brass plates, wherewith to make arrow heads ; 
not regarding what mischief he brewed for others in 
after time, provided he might drink a little of the sweet 
in the present time. But the trade was not to last long ; 
for upon a general complaint of all the inhabitants on 
either side, he was seized by force, and sent over to the 
Council of New England, who, it is said, dealt more 
favorably with him than his wickedness deserved ; so as, 
sometime after, he found means to return into the coun- 
try again, with a malicious purpose to do all the mis- 
chief he could to the Colony, both by writing scurrilous 
pamphlets, and other evil practices, on which account he 
was divers times sent backward and forward over the 
sea, imprisoned, and otherwise punished, till at last he 
ended his wretched life in obscurity at Pascataqua, as 
may be more particularly declared afterwards. By this 
means Mr. Wollaston's Plantation came much what to 
the same conclusion as Mr. Weston's; so as the place, 
being now wholly deserted, fell into the hands of persons 
of another temper, by whom it is since improved to be- 
come the seat of an honest, thriving, and sober town- 
ship. Thus, notwithstanding the many adventures which 
had hitherto been made, by sundry persons of estate and 
quality, for the discovery and improvement of this part 

1 " Which I suppose is the only one ever set up in New England," says 
Prince, page 244. — h. 
3 Prov. ix. 17-18.— h. 


of America, called New England, nothing could as yet 
be settled by way of planting any Colony upon the coast, 
with desirable success, save that of New Plymouth, dis- 
coursed of before. As for the rest of the Plantations, 
they were, like the habitations of the foolish, as it is in 
Job, 1 cursed before they had taken root. 

In the year 1623, some merchants about Plymouth 
and the west of England sent over Mr. David Tomson, 
a Scotchman, to begin a, Plantation about Pascataqua; 
but out of dislike, either of the place or his employers, he 
removed down into the Massachusetts Bay within a year 
after. There he possessed himself of a *very* fruitful 
island, and a very desirable neck of land, since confirmed 
to him or his heirs by the Court of the Massachusetts, 
upon ihe surrender of all his other interest in New Eng- 
land, to which yet he could pretend no other title than a 
promise, or a gift to be conferred on him, in a letter by 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, or some other member of the 
Council of Plymouth. 2 

But the vanishing of all the forementioned attempts 
did but make way for the settling the Colony of the 
Massachusetts ; and this was the occasion thereof. As 
some merchants from the west of England had § for ^ a 
long time frequented the parts about Munhiggon, for the 
taking offish, &c, so did others, especially those of Dor- 
chester, make the like attempt upon the northern pro- 
montory of the Massachusetts Bay, in probability first 
discovered by Captain Smith, before or in the year 1614, 
and by him named Tragabizanda, for the sake of a lady 
from whom he received much favor while he was a pris- 
oner amongst the Turks ; by whom also the three small 
islands at the head of the Cape were called the Three 
Turks' Heads. But neither of them glorying in these 
Mahometan titles, the promontory willingly exchanged 
its name for that of Cape Anne, imposed, as is said, by 
Captain Mason, 3 and which it retaineth to this day, in 
honor of our famous Queen Anne, * then surviving,* the 
royal consort of King James ; and the three other islands 
are now known by other names. 

i V.3.— h. 

2 See p. 89 ; Bradford, in Prince, p. 239 ; and Savage's Winthrop, i. 44.— H. 

3 A mistake. See Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 22.— h. 


Here did the foresaid merchants first erect stages 
whereon to make their fish, and yearly sent their ships 
thither for that end for some considerable time, until the 
fame of the Plantation at New Plymouth, with the suc- 
cess thereof, was spread abroad through all the western 
parts of England so far, as that it began to revive the 
hopes of some of those merchants who had not long 
before adventured their estates to promote so honorable 
a design as was the planting and peopling this new 
world ; although finding hitherto but small encourage- 
ment that way, they were ready to withdraw their hands. 

On this consideration it was, that some merchants and 
other gentlemen about Dorchester did, about the year, 
1624, at the instigation of Mr. White, the famous preacher 
of that town, upon a common stock, together with those 
that were coming to make fish, send over sundry persons 
in order to the carrying on a Plantation at Cape Anne, 
conceiving that planting on the land might go on equally 
with fishing on the sea in those parts of America. 

Mr. John Tylly and Mr. Thomas Gardener were em- 
ployed as overseers of that whole business ; the first with 
reference to the fishing, the other with resnect to the 
planting on the main land, at least for one year's time ; 
at the end of which Mr. White, with the rest of the 
Adventurers, hearing of some religious and well-affected 
persons, that were lately removed out of New Plymouth, 
out of dislike of their principles of rigid Separation, (of 
which number Mr. Roger Conant was one, a religious, 
sober, and prudent gentleman, yet surviving about Salem 
till the year 1680, wherein he finished his pilgrimage, 
having a great hand in all those forementioned transac- 
tions about Cape Anne,) ^they^ pitched upon him, the 
said Conant, for the managing and government of all 
their affairs at Cape Anne. The information he had of 
him, was from one Mr. Conant, a brother of his, and 
well known to Mr. White ; and he was so- well satis- 
fied therein, that he engaged Mr. Humphry, the Treas- 
urer of the joint Adventurers, to write to him in their 
names, and to signify that they had chosen him to be 
|| their || Governor in that place, and would commit unto 

II then II 


him the charge of all ||the|| affairs, as well fishing as 
planting. Together with him, likewise, they invited Mr. 
Lyford, lately dismissed from Plymouth, to be the min- 
ister of the place ; and Mr. Oldham, also discharged on 
the like account from Plymouth, was invited to trade for 
them with the Indians. All these three at that time had 
their dwelling at Nautasket. Mr. Lyford accepted, and 
came along with Mr. Conant. Mr. Oldham liked better 
to stay where he was for awhile, and trade for himself, 
and not become liable to give an account of his gain or 
loss. But after a year's experience, the Adventurers, 
perceiving their design not like to answer their expecta- 
tion, at least as to any present advantage, threw all up ; 
yet were so civil to those that were employed under 
them, as to pay them all their wages, and || 2 proffered|| to 
transport them back whence they came, if so they de- 

It must here be noted, that Mr. Roger Conant, on the 
foresaid occasion made the superintendent of their affairs, 
disliked the place as much as the Adventurers disliked 
the business ; and therefore, in the mean while, had made 
some inquiry into a more commodious place near ad- 
joining, on the other side of a creek, called Naumkeak, a 
little to the westward, where was much better encour- 
agement as to the design of a Plantation, than that which 
they had attempted upon before at Cape Anne; secretly 
conceiving in his mind, that in following times (as since 
is fallen out) it might prove a receptacle for such as upon 
the account of religion would be willing to begin a foreign 
Plantation in this part of the world ; of which he gave 
some intimation to his friends in England. Wherefore 
that reverend person, Mr. White, (under God one of the 
chief founders of the Massachusetts Colony in New 
England,) being grieved in his spirit that so good a 
work should be suffered to fall to the ground by the Ad- 
venturers thus abruptly breaking off, did write to Mr. 
Conant not so to desert || 3 lhe|| business, faithfully promis- 
ing that if himself, with three others, (whom he knew to 
be honest and prudent men, viz. John Woodberry, John 
Balch, and Peter Palfreys, employed by the Adventurers) 

|| their || || 2 offered || || 3 his f 


would stay at Naumkeag, and give timely notice thereof, 
he would provide a Patent for them,. and likewise send 
them whatever they should write for, either men, or pro- 
vision, or goods wherewith to trade with the Indians. 
Answer was returned that they would all stay, on those 
terms, entreating that they might be encouraged accord- 
ingly. Yet it seems, before they received any return ac- 
cording to their desires, the three last mentioned began 
to recoil, and repenting of their engagement to stay at 
Naumkeag, for fear of the Indians and other inconven- 
iences, resolved rather to go all to Virginia, especially 
because Mr. Lyford, their minister, upon a loving invi- 
tation, was thither bound. 1 But Mr. Conant, as one in- 
spired by some superior instinct, though never so earn- 
estly pressed to go along with them, peremptorily 
declared his mind to, wait the providence of God in that 
place where now they were, yea, though all the rest 
should forsake him, not doubting, as he said, but if 
they departed he should soon have more company. The 
other three, observing his confident resolution, at last 
concurred with him, and soon after sent back John 
AVoodberry for England to procure necessaries for a 
Plantation. But that God who is ready to answer his 
people before they call, as he had filled the heart of that 
good man, Mr. Conant, in New England, with courage 
and resolution to abide fixed in his purpose, notwith- 
standing all opposition and persuasion he met with to 
the contrary, had also inclined the hearts of several others 
in *old* England to be at work about the same design. 
For about this time the Council established at Plymouth 
for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New 
England, had, by a deed indented under the common 
seal, bearing date March 19, 1627, 2 bargained and sold 
unto some knights and gentlemen about Dorchester, 
viz. Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, knights, 
Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicot, and 
Simon Whetcomb, Gentlemen, that part of New England 
that lies between Merrimack and Charles River, in the 
bottom of the Massachusetts Bay. And not long after, 

by the means of Mr. White, the foresaid gentlemen were 


1 " And there shortly dies," says Bradford, in Prince, page 245.— h. 
5 Observe, that this date is according to Old Style. — h. 


■ brought into acquaintance with several other religious 
persons oflike quality in and about London, such as Mr. 
Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudlj, Mr. Cradock, and 
Mr. Goffe, and Sir Richard Saltonstall ; who being first 
associated to them, at last bought of them all their right 
and interest in New England aforesaid ;* and consulting 
together about settling some Plantation in New England 
upon the account of religion, where such as were called 
Nonconformists might, with the favor and leave of the 
King, have a place of reception if thej should transport 
themselves into America, there to enjoy the liberty of 
their own persuasion in matters of worship and church 
discipline, without disturbance of the peace of the king- 
dom, and without offence to others, not likeminded with 
themselves, did at the last resolve, with one joint consent, 
to petition the King's Majesty to confirm unto the fore- 
named and their associates, by a new grant or Patent, 
the tract of land in America forementioned ; which was 
accordingly obtained. 2 

Soon after, the Company, having chosen Mr. Cradock, 
Governor, and Mr. Goffe, Deputy Governor, with several 
others for Assistants, 3 sent over Mr. Endicot, sc. in the 
year 1628, to carry on the Plantation of the Dorchester 
agents at Naumkeag, or Salem, and make way for the 
settling of another Colony in the Massachusetts.* He 
was fully instructed with power from the Company to 
order all affairs in the name of the Patentees, as their 
agent, until themselves should come over, which was at 
that time intended, but could not be accomplished till the 
year 1630. With Mr. Endicot, in the year 1628, came 
Mr. Gotte, Mr. Brakenberry, Mr. Davenport, and others; 
who, being added to Capt. Traske, [blank] and John 
Woodberry, (that was before this time returned with a 
comfortable answer to them that sent him over,) went on 
comfortably together to make preparation for the new 
Colony, that were coming over; the late controversy that 
had been agitated with too much animosity betwixt the 
forementioned Dorchester planters, and their new agent, 
Mr. Endicot, and his company then sent over, being by 

1 See Prince, p. 247.— h. 2 March 4, 1628-9.— h. 

3 The Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay- 
may be found in Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, pp. 37-128. — h. 


the prudent moderation of Mr. Conant, agent before for 
the Dorchester merchants, quietly composed ; that so 
meum and tuum, that divide the world, should not disturb 
the peace of good Christians, that came so far to provide 
a place where to live together in Christian amity and 

In the same year were sent over several servants upon 
the joint stock of the Company, who, arriving there in an 
uncultivated desert, for want of wholesome diet and con- 
venient lodgings, were many of them seized with the 
scurvy and other distempers, which shortened many of 
their days, and prevented many of the rest from perform- 
ing any great matter of labor that year for advancing the 
work of the Plantation. Yet was the good hand of God 
upon them so far, as that something was done which 
tended to advantage ; nor was, upon that account, an 
evil report brought upon the place by any of them, so as 
to discourage others from coming after them. 

During this whole lustre of years, from 1625, there 
was little matter of moment acted in the Massachusetts, 
till the year 1629, after the obtaining the Patent; the 
former years being spent in fishing and trading by the 
agents of the Dorchester merchants, and some others of 
the West Country. 1 

In one of the fishing voyages about the year 1625, 
under the charge and command of one Mr. Hewes, em- 
ployed by some of the West Country merchants, there 
arose a sharp contest between the said Hewes and the 
people of New Plymouth, about a fishing stage, built the 
year before about Cape An,ne by Plymouth men, but 
was now, in the absence of the builders, made use of by 
Mr. Hewes's company, which the other, under the con- 
duct of Captain Standish, very eagerly and peremptorily 
demanded : for the Company of New Plymouth, having 
themselves obtained a useless Patent for Cape Anne 
about the year 1623, sent some of the ships, which their 
Adventurers employed to transport passengers over to 
them, to make fish there ; for which end they had built 
a stage there, in the year 1624 The dispute grew to be 
very hot, and high words passed between them, which 
might have ended in blows, if not in blood and slaughter, 

1 See page 109, note a . — h. 


had not the prudence and ||moderation|| of Mr. Roger 
Conant, at that time there present, and Mr. Peirse's 
interposition, that lay just by with his ship, timely pre- 
vented. For Mr. Hewes had barricadoed his company 
with hogsheads on the stagehead, while the demandants 
stood upon the land, and might easily have been cut 
off; but the ship's crew, by advice, promising to help 
them build another, the difference was thereby ended. 
Captain Standish had been bred a soldier in the Low 
Countries, and never entered the school of our Savior 
Christ, or of John Baptist, his harbinger, or, if he was 
ever there, had forgot his first lessons, to offer violence 
to no man, and to part with the cloak rather than need- 
lessly contend for the coat, though taken away without 
order. A little chimney is soon fired; so was the Ply- 
mouth Captain, a man of very little stature, yet of a very 
hot and angry temper. The fire of his passion soon 
kindled and blown up into a flame by hot words, might 
easily have consumed all, had it not been seasonably 

In transactions of this nature were the first three years 
spent, in making way for the planting of the Massachu- 


Several planters transport themselves into New England ; 
Ministers invited to join with them. The first Plantation 
in the Massachusetts, called Salem. 

Now those that first promoted the design in England 
were not unmindful that this fair beginning being made, 
unless it were followed with proportionable endeavors 
for an orderly settlement of this, all would come to 
nothing, as the attempts of some others had done before ; 
therefore were they very solicitous not without all due 
preparation to proceed in this solemn undertaking. 

In the first place, therefore, they considered where to, 
find two or three able ministers, to send over to them 
that or the next year ; not doubting but if they could 
meet with any such, they should be sure not to fail of a 

II consideration II 


considerable number of serious and religious people, that 
would be willing to go over with them in order to a 
Plantation, specially if there were anj grounded hopes of 
a settled and orderly government, to direct, protect, and 
defend the people, and promote the cause of God and 
of religion amongst them, as well as their civil rights and 
liberties. Before that spring was over they were inform- 
ed 1 of one Mr. Higginson, an eminent minister of Leices- 
ter, silenced for Nonconformity, of whom they were 
probably assured that he might be obtained to make a 
beginning that way. Upon an address made unto him by 
Mr. Humphry and Mr. White, he looked at it as a call 
from God, and as Peter did the message from Cornelius, 
a motion which he could not withstand ; 2 so as within a 
few weeks after this intimation of theirs, himself with 
his whole family were ready to take their flight into this 
American wilderness ; with whom also was sent Mr. 
Skelton, a minister of Lincolnshire, another Nonconform- 
ist, as also Mr. Bright, a godly minister, though not 
altogether of the same persuasion as to church discipline. 

With these three ministers came over sundry honest 
and well affected people, in several ships that were em- 
ployed to transport planters into New England, in the 
year 1629 ; all who arrived safe at Naumkeag, intending 
to settle a Plantation there. 

Besides the three forementioned ministers, came over 
one Mr. R. Smith, soon after called to supply the place 
of a teaching elder at Plymouth. The prospect of New 
England did at that time more resemble a wilderness, 
than a country whose fields were white unto the harvest, 
that needed laborers to be thrust thereinto. 

The number of planters being at that time but few, 
and all resident at that one Plantation, two of their four 
ministers were supernumerary. 

Naumkeag at that time received the Christian name of 
Salem. All that were present were ambitious to have 
an hand in the christening of this infant Plantation ; for 
some, that liked not such affected names, had provided 
another, but "usus obtinuit," &c. for ever since, custom 
hath imposed that name, by which it is like to be known 


1 On March 23d.— h. * Acts, xi. 17.— h. 


to after ages : the inhabitants being brought under the 
strong obligation, to live in love and peaee one with ano- 
ther, as being the most expedient Way to obtain the God 
oflove and peace to be with them, as in a special man- 
ner he was, while Mr. Higginson continued amongst 
them, with Mr. Skelton. But of the four ministers that 
came hither this year, the Plantation needing but two, 
that are forementioned, to take care of its instruction, 
one of them was called to be pastor of the church at 
New Plymouth, viz. Mr. R. Smith, as was said before, to 
whom another was afterward added for an assistant, viz. 
Mr. R. Williams, who arrived here about the year 1631 : 
an unhappy thing for them who had wanted the benefit, 
though not of a judge, yet of a teaching priest, near ten 
years, should after so long delay meet with so great a dis- 
appointment, as soon after they found by uncomfortable 
experience in them both. Concerning the fourth, viz. 
Mr. Bright, there is at this time little known, and there- 
fore* the less is to be said, although one who affected him 
never the better for his Conformity, 1 gives this character 
of him ; that he began to hew stones in the mountains 
wherewith to build, but when he saw all sorts of stones 
would not suit in the building, as he supposed, he, not 
unlike Jonah, fled from the presence of the Lord, and 
went down to Tarshish. The like character is as freely, 
by the same author, bestowed on another clergyman, 
called Mr. Blackstone, who on the like occasion, as he 
saith, betook himself to till the ground, wherein probably 
he was more skilled, or at least had a better faculty, than 
fti the things pertaining to the house of God ; as if he 
had retained no symbol of his former profession but a ca- 
nonical coat. 2 Antiquity was always wont to distinguish 
persons and places by their garb or habit, whose author- 
ity and example cannot well be questioned by the skep- 
tics and juniors of the present age ; but, indeed, for any 
one to retain only the outward badge of his function, that 
never could pretend to any faculty therein, or exercise 
thereof, is, though no honor to himself, yet a dishonor 
and disparagement to the order he would thereby chal- 
lenge acquaintance with. 

1 See Davis's Morton, p. 145 ; and Prince, p. 258.— h. 

8 Johnson's History of New England, (sm. 4to. Lond. 1654,) p. 20.— h. 



Of the civil polity and form of government of the Massa- 
chusetts Company of New England, by Patent ; * with 
the sending over their first Agent thither, viz. Mr. J. 
Endicot, Anno 1628.* 

Order and government being as necessary to the uni- 
ting together and upholding a civil society, as is the 
foundation or the studs to support and conjoin the parts 
of a building, therefore it cannot be supposed that the 
chief undertakers, who had the honor to lay the founda- 
tion of this Colony, were not aware of a necessity to pro- 
vide for that in the first place, as may be seen by the 
form of government they are directed unto in his Majes- 
ty's Royal Charter and Patent, confirmed by the great 
seal of England ; wherein the Patentees, with their asso- 
ciates, are declared to be a "body politic incorporate" to- 
gether, and " to hold [as] of the manor of East Greenwich, 
in free and common soccage, and not in capite, or knight's 
service, "and are to be styled, " The Governorand Company 
of New England," and by that name to plead and be im- 
pleaded upon all occasions. To the Governor are to be 
added, a Deputy Governor and eighteen Assistants, who, 
with the rest of the Company free of the Corporation, 
have power to make orders and laws within themselves, 
for the good of the whole, not repugnant to the laws of 
England, and to correct and punish all offenders accord- 
ing to the said orders and laws, as is more at large de- 
scribed in the said Charter. 1 But this Corporation or body 
of people, being but then an embryo, was willingly sub- 
ject to, and governed by, those wholesome and known 
laws of the kingdom of England, acknowledging only its 
willing obedience to such rules and ordinances as were 
by the Corporation agreed upon as necessary for the car-* 
ryingon of their present affairs, and yearly sent over from 
England, while the Charter remained, with the principal 
part of the Patentees, in England. They empowered Mr/ 
John Endicot, as was said before, one of their number, 
to manage the company, sent over thither, as agent, in 
the year 1628, 2 and him they appointed their Deputy Gov- 
ernor in the year 1629, 3 according to his best discretion, 

1 See this Charter in Hutchinson's Collection of Papers, pp. 1-23. — h. 

2 See page 109, note a . — h. 8 On April 30th.— h. 


with due observance of the English laws, or such in- 
structions as they furnished him with, till the Patent was 
brought over, 1630: the Patentees themselves, most of 
them, coming along at that time therewith. 

The principal duty for those two years, incumbent on 
the agent aforesaid, or Deputy Governor, was to take care 
of the welfare of the company, to order the servants be- 
longing to them, and to improve them in making prepara- 
tion** for the reception of the gentlemen, when they 
should come ; the which were carefully minded by the 
said Mr. Endicot. And also some endeavors were used 
to promote the welfare of the Plantation, so far as he was 
capable in the beginning of things, by laying some founda- 
tion of religion, as well as civil government, as may 
appear by the ensuing letter sent by him in the beginning 
of the year, viz. May 11, 1629, to Mr. Bradford, Gov- 
ernor of New Plymouth, to obtain the help of orre Mr. 
Fuller, a deacon of Mr. Robinson's church, skilled in the 
designs of the country, which' those people that first 
came over in those two years were filled withal, and also 
well versed in the way of church discipline practised by 
Mr. Robinson's church ; w 7 hich letter was the foundation 
on which* was raised all the future acquaintance, the 
Christian love and correspondency, that was ever after 
maintained betwixt their persons and respective Colonies, 
in which are these words : "I am satisfied by Mr. Fuller 
touching your judgment of the outward form of God's 
worship. It is, as far as I can gather, no other than is 
warranted by the evidence of truth, and the same which 
I have professed and maintained ever since the Lord [in 
mercy 1 ] revealed himself to me." 2 



The affairs of religion in the- Massachusetts Colony in 

Neiv England, during the first lustre of years after the 

first attempt for the planting thereof; from the year 

1625 to the year 1630. 

It doth evidently appear by the premises, that what 
purses soever were improved, or what charges they were 

1 Supplied from Morton, where may be found the letter entire. — h. 

2 This letter was not written to obtain aid, but it was a letter of thanks 
for favors already received. — h. 



at that first appeared, in laying the foundation of the 
Massachusetts Colony, the chiefest intentions and aims 
of those that managed the business were to promote re- 
ligion, and if it might be, to propagate the Gospel, in this 
dark corner of the world. Witness the industry and solicit- 
ousness of Mr. White of Dorchester, in *01d* England, 
that first contrived the carrying on a Plantation of sober 
and religious persons, together with a strange impres- 
sion on the mind of Mr. Roger Conant, to pitch upon 
Naumkeag for that end, and his confidence and con- 
stancy, there to stay with intent to carry on the same, 
notwithstanding the many cross Providences, that seemed 
at the first view to thwart that design ; so as, in the 
conclusion, it may truly be said in this, if in any other of 
like nature, the hand of the Lord hath done this, which 
therefore should be the more marvellous in the eyes of men. 

In the beginning of that Plantation at Cape Anne, they 
had the ministry of Mr. Lyford, that had been dismissed 
from Plymouth ; with whom came some others, out of 
dislike of the rigid principles of Separation that were 
maintained there. After he went to Virginia, they were 
without, till Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton came over, 
who, that they might foreslow no time in the ^matters of i 
the house of God, they did like Abraham, (as soon as 
they were hither transported, and here safely arrived,) 
who applied himself to build an altar to God that had 
appeared to him, and brought him out of Ur of the Chal- 
dees ; and so began in the first place to call upon the 
name of the Lord. 

In like manner did those in the first place endeavor 
to set up some public form of worship, that so, coming 
thus far into a remote wilderness to enjoy the liberty of 
their consciences in matters of religion, and to plant and 
preach the Gospel amongst a barbarous people, that never 
had heard the joyful sound before, they made as much 
expedition in the said work as well they could. For i 
having had sufficient experience and acquaintance one 
with another in the way, as they came over the sea, and a 
month or two after they were here planted, they resolved 
to enter into church fellowship together, setting a day j 


apart for that end ; which was the 9th 1 day of August, 
next after their arrival here. They had beforehand, ^and^ 
in order thereunto, acquainted the present Deputy Gov- 
ernor with their purpose, and consulted one with another 
about settling a Reformed congregation, according to the 
rules of the Gospel, as they apprehended, and the pattern 
of the best Reformed Churches that they were acquainted 
with, it being their professed intention in this great and 
solemn undertaking to go on therein as they should find 
direction from the word of God. Concerning the way 
and manner of their first covenanting together, and 
entering into church fellowship one with another, it doth 
not appear that these were, like those of New Plymouth, 
aforehand moulded into any order, or form of church 
government; but were honest minded men, studious of 
reformation, that only had disliked some things in the 
discipline and ceremonies of the Church of England, but 
were not precisely fixed upon any particular order or 
form of government, but, like rasa tabula, fit to receive 
any impression that could be delineated out of the Word 
of God, or vouched to be according to the pattern in the 
Mount, as they judged** Nor are their successors willing 
to own that they received their platform of church order 
from those of New Plymouth ; although there is no small 
appearance that in whole or part they did, (further than 
some wise men wish they had done,) by what is expressed 
in Mr, Endicot's letter, above inserted ; or else good 
wits, as they use to say, did strangely jump very near 
together, into one and the same method and idea of 
church discipline. And it were well if Mr. Skelton, when 
i he was left alone soon after by the death of Mr. Higgiuson, 
I did not, in some things, not only imitate and equal, but 
strongly endeavor to go beyond, that pattern of Separa- 
i tion set up before them in Plymouth, in the pressing of 
i some indifferent things, that savored as much, or more 
I than they of Plymonth'did, of the same spirit ; as in that 
of enjoining all women to wear veils, under the penalty 
I of non-communion, urging the same as a matter of duty 
and absolute necessity, as is by some reported, as well 
as in refusing communion with the Church of England* 

1 6th, say Morton, page 145 ; and Bradford, in Prince, page 263. — h. 


It is certainly known that the old Nonconformists, 
and good old Puritans of Queen Elizabeth and King 
James's time, did, in many things, not symbolize with 
the Separatists, whose way and form of discipline was 
always disowned and disclaimed, yea, publicly condemned, 
by the writings of the learned Nonconformists of that 
age, such as Mr. Robert Parker, Dr. Ames, Mr. Cart- 
wright, Mr. Hildersham, that malleus Brownistarwn, as 
he used to be called, especially as to their notions about 
Separation from the Church of England as antichristian; 
the one endeavoring only a reformation of some cor- 
ruptions, retained, or crept into the church, as they 
thought, either before or after its reformed state ; the 
other, not content therewith, stood as stiffly to t maintain 
a necessity of abrogating and disannulling their former 
church state, and begin all anew, as if things had been 
so far collapsed in the days of our fathers, that, like a 
vessel once infected with the contagion of leprosy it 
must be broken in pieces, to be new cast and moulded, 
or else to be judged unclean, and unfit for the ser- 
vice of God. It is affirmed by some that had more 
reason to be best acquainted with the said Mr. Higgin- 
son, when he first went over thither, that Mr. Hilder- 
sham, upon their first removing, advised him and other 
ministers, looking this way, to agree upon their form 
of church government before they came away from 
England. The which counsel, if it had been attended, 
might have prevented some inconveniency that hath 
since fallen out, or at least have saved some of the 
succeeding ministers from the imputation of departing 
from their first principles, because they were not pub- 
licly professed and declared, when the foundation of 
their church order was here laid in the beginning of 

But they had not, as yet, waded so far into the con- 
troversy of church discipline as to be very positive in 
any of those points wherein the main hinge of the 
controversy lay between them and others ; yet aiming, 
as near as well they could, to come up to the rules 
of the Gospel, in the first settling of a church state; 

' i 


and apprehending it necessary for those who intended 
to be of the church, solemnly to enter into a covenant 
engagement one with another in the presence of 
God, to walk together before him according to the 
Word of God, and then to ordain their ministers unto 
their several offices, to which they were by the elec- 
tion 1 of the people designed, sc. Mr. Skelton to be their 
pastor, and Mr. Higginson to be their teacher. In 
order to the carrying on of that work, or preparation 
thereunto, the said Mr. Higginson, according as he 
was desired, drew up a confession of faith, and form 
of a church covenant, according to the*Scriptures ; sev- 
eral copies whereof being written out, they publicly 
owned the same, on the day set apart 1 for that work, a 
copy of which is retained at this day by some that suc- 
ceed in the same church. Further also, notice was given 
of their intended proceedings to the church at New 
Plymouth, that so they might have their approbation 
and concurrence, if not their direction and assistance, 
in a matter of that nature, wherein themselves had been 
but little before exercised. There were at that time 
thirty persons joined together in that church covenant ; 
for which end so many copies being prepared afore- 
hand, it was publicly read in the assembly, and the per- 
sons concerned solemnly expressing their assent and 
consent thereunto, they immediately proceeded to 
ordain their ministers, 2 as was said before. Mr. Bradford 
and others, as messengers of Plymouth church, were 
hindered by cross winds from being present in the 
former part of the day, but came time enough to give 
them the right hand of fellowship, wishing all pros- 
perity and success to those hopeful beginnings, as 
they then accounted them, although in some points of 
church discipline Mr. Higginson's 'principles were a 
little discrepant from theirs of Plymouth. Those that 
were afterward admitted unto church fellowship, were, 
with the confession of their faith, required to enter into 
a like covenant engagement with the church, to walk ac- 
cording to the rules of the Gospel, as to the substance, 
the same as at the first ; but for the manner and cir- 

1 This election took place on the 20th of July. See Prince, p. 262. — h, 
2 " As also Mr. [Henry] Houghton a ruling elder." Ibid. p. 263.— h. 



cumstances, it was left to the wisdom and faithfulness 
of the elders, to be so ordered as was judged most 
conducing to the end, respect being by them always 
had to the liberty and ability of the person. The day 
appointed for this work, and which was solemnly kept 
in a way of fasting and prayer, was the 9th 1 of August 
1629, as was mentioned before, from which time to 
the 6th of August in the year following, that church 
and their officers lived peaceably together ; but at that 
time Mr. Higginson, their teacher, being called off by 
an [unexpected stroke of death, Mr. Skelton was left 
alone, who, though he survived not long after, yet 
continued so long as to see his church involved in 
some troubles, by adhering too strictly to his own 
notions, and could not but foresee more of the like 
nature approaching, which he could not prevent. 


Transactions of the Patentees at London after the Patent 
was obtained ; debates about carrying it over ; trans- 
portation of the Patentees and many others in the year 

Who were the principal actors in laying the foun- 
dation of the Massachusetts Colony, hath been declared 
already. After they were framed into a body^ politic 
by mutual agreement amongst themselves, and con- 
firmed, or rather so constituted, by the Royal Charter, the 
first Governor, chosen by the Company, was Mr. Mat- 
thew Cradock, a prudent and wealthy citizen of Lon- 
don, ready to promote any design of public utility, 
which if himself and all the rest engaged therein had 
not minded more than their own particular benefit, 
things of that nature would either never have been 
undertaken, or have been broken off in a manner as 
soon as they had been begun. The said Cradock was 
chosen and sworn in Chancery March 23, 1628, and 
so were the rest also, de fide et obedientia jurati, viz. 
Mr. Thomas Goffe, sworn Deputy Governor to the 
said Company ; and Sir Richard Saltonstall, Captain Ven, 
Mr. John Humphry, Mr. Simon Whetcomb, Mr. Thomas 

117.— H. 


Adams, Samuel Vassall, William Vassall, George Fox- 
craft, Richard Perry, and Thomas Hutchins, were sworn 
Assistants : to whom were added Mr. Wright and Mr. 
John Browne, who were sworn April 6th, 1629, when 
also Mr. Harwood, of London, was sworn to the office 
of Treasurer to the said Company. * And Mr. f John 
Higginson, the silenced minister of Leicester, was ac- 
cepted, on condition that he might be removed without 
scandal, and that the best ^ affected ^ amongst his peo- 
ple approved thereof, (vvhich it seems they did,) and that 
not without the advice of Mr. Arthur Hildersham, the 
famous preacher of Ashby de la Zouch, who, though he 
was no way inclinable to £he rigid Separation, yet was 
very forward in this way to promote the planting of the 
Gospel in America. Mr. Higginson, Mr. Samuel Skelton, 
and Mr. Francis Bright, were all at the same time enter- 
tained as ministers, for the planting of the Massachusetts, 
on the public account, April 8, 1629, with this difference 
only, that Mr. Higginson having eight children to bring 
up, he had £1 a year added for his stipend yearly, more 
than the other two. 1 Mr. Ralph Smith was likewise, at 
the same time, proffered to be accommodated with his 
passage to New England, provided he would give under 
his hand, that he would not exercise the ministry, either 
in public or § in § private, without the approbation of 
the || Governor || established there, nor yet to disturb their 
proceedings, but to submit unto such orders as should 
there be established ; whereby it appears how appre- 
hensive the first founders of the Massachusetts were, of 
any that might become any occasion of disturbance by 
their rigid principles of Separation, of which there was 
no small suspicion in the said Smith, as was found by 
experience soon after, as is hinted before. 

It must not be forgotten, that this present undertaking 
being like to prove very chargeable and expensive, there 
were, beside the forementioned. gentlemen that were 
chosen to be Assistants, twenty or thirty others, who sub- 
scribed the sum of £1035 to be as a common stock to 
carry on the Plantation ; and June 17th, 1629, £745 

|| government || 

* See Prince's Annals, i. p. 182, note. — Ed. [Hale's ed., p. 256. — h.] 
f Francis. — Ed. 

1 See the Company's Agreement with the Ministers, in Young's Chroni- 
cles of Mass., pp. 205-12. — h. 



more was lent on the same account, by several other 
gentlemen, the most of whicj ventured but their £25 
apiece. Some few advanced £L0 as Mr. S. Vassall, Mr. 
Young, Mr. William Hubbard, Mr. Robert Crane, Mr. 
Wade, and many others ; and two or three more, viz. 
Mr. Aldersly added £75, Mr. S. Whetcomb £85, the 
Governor £100. From so small beginnings sprang up 
that hopeful Plantation. . 

But forasmuch as the public affairs of the intended 
Colony were like to be but ill managed at so great a 
distance, as was between the Massachusetts and London, 
April 10, 1 1629, Mr. John Endicot, that went thither as 
agent the year before, was -chosen as Governor under 
the Company in London, to whom was sent a commis- 
sion that year into the Massachusetts, for him to preside 
in all public affairs, for the year following, which was to 
begin when he should take his oath, which was framed 
by a committee, viz. Mr. Pelham, Mr. Nowel, Mr. 
Humphry, and Mr. Walgrave, and sent to be adminis- 
tered by Mr. Higginson, Mr. Skelton, Mr. Bright, Mr. 
Samuel Browne, Mr. J. Browne, and Mr. Sharpe. In 
case of all their absence, it was to be done by Abraham 
Palmer and Elias Stileman. 2 

The foresaid six, with Mr. Graves, were to be as a 
Council to Mr. Endicot, with two more, that were to be 
chosen by the old planters. If any of the foreinentioned 
should refuse, thenjwere|| to be added three of the dis- 
creetest of the company, who were also to choose a De- 
puty, to be joined with the Governor, to assist him and 
the Council, or supply the place in his absence, with a 
Secretary and other officers, necessary for such a pur- 
pose. These had power to make laws and ordinances 
upon the place, according to Patent, not contrary to the 
laws of England. 2 

May 13, 1629. The second 3 Court of Election was 
kept at London, when the old Governor and Deputy 
were chosen again, with the former Assistants, with the 
addition only of two men, viz. Mr. Pecock * and Mr. 
Coulson, to make up the number of eighteen, according 

II was || 

* Pocock. Prince, i. 187.— Ed. [Hale's ed. p. 260.— h.] * 
1 This is an error ; it should be April 30. See Prince, p. 258 ; Young, p. 66. -h. 
2 The Act for establishing the government in New England, with the 
form of the Oaths of Office, may be found in Young, pp. 192-6, 201 3. — H. 
' The first under the Royal Charter. — h. 


to the order of the Patent, two 1 of the former being 
lately gone over to the Plantation. 

At the Court of Election it was agreed that every Ad- 
venturer who had advanced £50 should have two hun- 
dred acres of land allowed him ; and that fifty acres 
apiece should be allowed them that went over at their 
own charge/ It seems the Adventurers had an higher 
esteem of land in America at that time than since it ever 
reached unto, or else were much mistaken as to the 
nature of the soil ; when an whole Province might have 
since been purchased almost for such a sum, viz. at three 
pence and four pence an acre. But men must be allow- 
ed to guess as well as they can, at so great a distance. 
But at one of their next meetings, viz. May 27, 2 1629, a 
letter from Mr. Endicot, their agent in New England, 
was read in Court, complaining of the great irregularity 
in trading of sundry persons with the Indians, contrary 
to the Proclamation set out, Anno Dom. 1622, an evil 
timely enough foreseen, although it could never be pre- 
vented : whereupon it was agreed to petition the King 
and Council for renewing the said Proclamation ; which 
was granted, with other beneficial clauses, by the Lord 
Keeper and Mr. Secretary Cooke. 

By these and the like occasions, at one of their next 
meetings, July 28, 1629, there arose a debate about 
transferring the government to such as should inhabit 
upon the place, and not to continue it in subordination 
to the Company there in London, for the inducing and 
encouraging persons of worth and quality to transplant 
themselves and families thither, and for other weighty 
reasons. The Company then met were desired to set 
down their reasons in writing, pro- and con, with the 
most considerable consequences depending thereon, that 
they might be maturely debated ; which was accordingly 
done. And August 28, 1629, the Deputy acquainted the 
Court that several gentlemen, intending for New England, 
desired to know, whether the chief government with the 
Patent should be settled in Old or New England, which 

1 Messrs. Endicott and John Browne. — h. 

2 A mistake ; there was no meeting on the 27th*; this Mas the date of 
Endicott's letter, which was read at. a General Court holden on the 28th of 
July. See Young, pp. 82-4. — h. 


occasioned a serious debate about the matter, so as, the 
meeting of the Court being adjourned to the next day, it 
was then, by erection of hands, fully decreed to be the 
general mind of the Company, and their desire, that the 
Government and Patent of the Plantation should be trans- 
ferred to New England and settled there. Accordingly, 
an Order to that end was soon drawn up and consented 
unto ; in prosecution of which Order, a Court was ap- 
pointed to be kept, Oct. 20, 1629, for the election of a 
new Governor and Deputy, that were willing to remove 
with their families on the next occasion. 

Mr. John Winthrop was at that time chosen Govern- 
or, and Mr. J. Humphry Deputy Governor ; but Mr. 
Humphry not being ready to attend the service so -soon, 
Mr. Thomas Dudley was (the next spring) chosen in his 
room. At that time also Assistants were chosen anew, 
fit for the present design, viz. Sir Richard Saltonstall, 
Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Endicot, Mr. Nowel, 
Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Pynchon, Mr. Sharp, Mr. 
Rossiter, Mr. Goffe, Mr. Adams, Mr. Eaton, &c. a 

March 23d, follpwing, Mr. Dudley was chosen Deputy 
Governor, and sworn in the room of Mr. Humphry, at 
which time also were several Assistants chosen, in the 
room of such as were not willing, (at least for the present 
not resolved,) to transport themselves and families into 
that new Colony, sc. Mr. Coddington, Mr. Sharp, Mr. 
Simon Bradstreet, Sir Bryan Janson, and others. b The 
said Court was kept aboard the Arbella* at South Hamp- 
ton ; at which time, or soon after, was published a Dec- 
laration, in the name of the Governor and Company, 
giving an account of their whole design ; the principal 
scope whereof was to clear themselves from any sus- 
picion of rigid Separation, at that time not in the least 
thought upon or owned, much less was it purposed or 
intended by any of the foresaid gentlemen. How far, 
since that, they have been, or are, liable to the like asper- 
sion, there may be occasion to speak more afterwards. 

* So the MS. uniformly ; and Prince adopts the same orthography; quot- 
ing Mass. Col. Records, MSS. as his auihoritv. — Ed. 



The proceedings of the Patentees at South- Hampton , 
when they took their leave of England ; the solemn 
manner thereof 

The principles which those gentlemen acted from, 
who first enterprised that great undertaking of trans- 
planting themselves and their families into the remote 
deserts of America, hitherto seemed to be so strong as 
to enable them to get over the most insuperable difficul- 
ties and obstructions that lay in the way. Yet when it 
came to the pinch and upshot of the trial, it appeared 
that what resolution soever they had taken up or put on, 
yet that they had not put off human and natural affec- 
tion ; " Naturam expellas," &C. 1 Religion never makes 
men stoics ; nor is it to be conceived that natural rela- 
tions should be rent one from another without the deepest 
sense of sorrow ; such a kind of removal carrying along 
with it so great a resemblance of departure into another 

That honorable and worthy gentleman, Mr. John 
Winthrop, the Governor of the Company, at a solemn 
feast amongst many friends a little before their last fare- 
well, finding his bowels yearn within him, instead of 
drinking to them, by breaking into a flood of tears him- 
self set them all a weeping, with Paul's friends, while 
they thought of seeing the faces of each other no more 
in the land of the living. 2 Yet did not this put such a 
damp upon any of their spirits as to think of breaking 
off their purpose so far carried on. 

After they came to South-Hampton, the place ap- 
pointed for, taking ship, they judged it meet to declare to 
the world the grounds of their removal, which here fol- 
loweth. Whatever any of their successors may judge 
thereof, it is sufficient to discover what was then in the 
minds of those that removed from their dear native land. 
If there be found any sort of persons that, since that 
time, have imbibed other principles or opinions, it is 
more than the writer hereof was ever acquainted with 
the reason of. However, in those very words they did 

1 Horace, Epist. Lib. i. 10, 24. — h. 2 See Young, p. 126. — h. 


both beg the prayers, and bespeak the charitable con- 
struction concerning their proceedings, of their Christ- 
ian friends, whom they left behind. It is commonly 
said, that the Declaration was drawn up by Mr. White, 
that famous minister of Dorchester, of whom there is oft 
mention made in this History ; if so, it had a reverend, 
learned, and holy man for its author, on which account 
a favorable acceptance thereof may be expected from 
any that shall vouchsafe to peruse the same. 

The Hvmble Reqvest of his Majestie's loyall Subjects, the Governour and 
[the] Company late gone for New-England ; To the rest of their Brethren in 
and of the Church of England. For the obtaining of their Prayers, and 
the removall of suspitions and misconstructions of their Intentions. 

London. Printed for John Bellamie. 1630. [sm. 4to. pp. 12.] 


The general rumor of this solemn enterprise, wherein 
ourselves with others, through the providence of the 
Almighty, are engaged, as it may spare us the labor of 
imparting our occasion unto you, so it gives us the 
more encouragement to strengthen ourselves by the 
procurement of the prayers and blessings of the Lord's 
faithful servants. For which end we are bold to have 
recourse unto you, as those whom God hath placed near- 
est his throne of mercy ; which, as it affords you the more , 
opportunity, so it imposeth the greater bond upon you to 
intercede for his people in all their straits. We beseech 
you, therefore, by the mercies gf the Lord Jesus, to con- 
sider us as your brethren, standing in very great need 
of your help, and earnestly imploring it. And howso- 
ever your charity may have met, with some occasion of 
discouragement through the misreportof ourantentions, 
or through the disaffection or indiscretion of some of us, 
or rather amongst us, (for we are not of those that 
dream of perfection in this world,) yet we desire you 
would be pleased to take notice of the principals and 
body of our Company, as those who esteem it our honor 
to call the Church of England, from whence we rise, 
our dear mother ; and cannot part from our native coun- 
try, where she specially resideth, without much sadness 
of heart and many tears in our eyes, ever acknowledg- 


ing that such hope and part as we have obtained in the 
common salvation, we have" received in her bosom, and 
sucked it from her breasts. We leave it not, therefore, 
as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished 
there ; but, blessing God for the parentage and education, 
as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her 
good, and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow [that 1 ] shall 
ever betide her, and while we have breath, sincerely de- 
sire and endeavor the continuance and abundance of her 
welfare, with the enlargement of her bounds in the King- 
dom of Christ Jesus. 

Be pleased, therefore, reverend fathers and brethren, 
to help forward this work now in hand ; which, if it pros- 
per, you shall be the more glorious, howsoever your 
judgment is with the Lord, and your reward with your 
God. It is a usual and laudable exercise of your charity 
to commend to the prayers of your congregations the 
necessities and straits of your private neighbors ; do 
the like for a Church springing out of your own bowels. 
We conceive much hope that this remembrance of us, 
if it be frequent and fervent, will be a most prosperous 
gale in our sails, and provide such a passage and wel- 
come for us from the God of the whole earth, as both 
we which shall find it, and yourselves, with the rest of 
our friends, who shall hear of it, shall be much enlarged 
to bring in such daily returns of thanksgivings, as the 
specialities of his providence and goodness may justly 
challenge at all our hands. You are not ignorant that 
the spirit of God stirred up the Apostle Paul to make 
continual mention of the Church of Philippi, which was 
a colony from Rome ; let the same spirit, we beseech 
you, put you in mind, that are the Lord's remembran- 
cers, to pray for us without ceasing, who are a weak 
colony from yourselves, making continual request for us 
to God in all your prayers. 

What we intreat of you, that are the ministers of God, 
that we also crave at the hands of all the rest of our 
brethren, that they would at no time forget us in their 
private solicitations at the throne of grace. 

If any there be who, through want of clear intelligence 

1 Inserted from Young, page 296. — h. 



of our course, or tenderness of affection towards us, can- 
not conceive so well 1 of our way as we could desire, 
we would intreat such not to despise us, nor to desert 
us in their prayers and affections, but to consider rather 
that they are so much the more bound to express the 
bowels of their compassion towards us, remembering 
always that both nature and grace doth ever bind us to 
relieve and rescue, with our utmost and speediest power, 
such as are dear unto us, when we conceive them to be 
running uncomfortable hazards. 

What goodness you shall extend to us, in this or any other 
Christian kindness, we, your brethren in Christ Jesus, shall 
labor to repay in what duty we are or shall be able to 
perform, promising, so far as God shall enable us, to 
give him no rest on your behalfs, wishing our heads and 
hearts may be [as 2 ] fountains of tears for your everlasting 
welfare when we shall be in our poor cottages in the 
wilderness, overshadowed with the spirit of supplication, 
through the manifold necessities and tribulations which 
may not altogether unexpectedly, nor, we hope, unpro- 
fitably, befall us. 

And so commending you to the grace of God in 
Christ, we shall ever rest 

Your assured friends and brethren, 

John Winthrope, Gov. Richard Saltonstall, 
Charles Fines, Isaac Johnson, 

Thomas Dudley, 
George Phillipps, William Coddington, 

&c. &c. 

From Yarmouth, aboard the Arbella, April 7, 1630. a 


The fleet set forth to sea for New England ; their passage, 
and safe arrival there. 

Things being thus ordered at Hampton, four of the 
principal ships, viz. the Arbella, a ship of three hundred 
and fifty tons,Capt. Milbourne 3 being master, manned with 
fifty-two seamen, and furnished with twenty-eight pieces 
of ordnance ; the Talbot, whereof was master Mr. Thomas 
Belchar 4 ; the Ambrose, whereof was master Mr. John 

1 Mvch in the MS. — h. 2 Inserted from Young, p. 298. — h. 

3 Captain Peter Milborne. Savage's Winthrop, i. 2. — h. 

4 Beecher. Ibid. — h. 


Low ; and the Jewel, whereof was master Mr. Richard 
Harlston, 1 having left their former harbor, were riding 
at the Cowes, March 29, 1630, being Easter Monday, 
and ready to sail : they were advised so to do by JMr. 
Cradock, (who was that morning aboard the Arbella,) 
the late Governor, and owner of the two last ships, 
where, upon conference, it was so agreed 2 in regard the 
rest of the fleet, viz. the Charles, the Mayflower, the 
William and Francis, the JEJopewell, the Whale, the Suc- 
cess, and the Trial, being at Hampton not then ready, 
and uncertain when they would, that these four ships 
should consort together, and take the first opportunity of 
wind and weather to sail. Accordingly, articles of con- 
sortship were drawn between the said captains and mari- 
ners ; the Arbella to be the Admiral, the Talbot Vice- 
Admiral, the Ambrose Rear-Admiral. After this was 
done, Mr. Cradock took leave of his friends aboard the 
Arbella : then weighing anchor, about ten o'clock, on 
the 29th of March, they attempted to sail ; but meeting 
with contrary winds, they made it the 12th of April be- 
fore they could clear the channel ; before which time the 
rest of the fleet came up with them. And on the 10th 
of April, while they were at a distance, they took them 
for Dunkirkers, and provided to fight them, and were 
much comforted to see how cheerful all the company 
were, as they were preparing for an expected engage- 
ment ; not a man, woman, or child seeming to fear, though 
all were apprehensive of no small danger, if they had not 
mistaken their friends for enemies : for it had been 
told them at the Isle of Wight, that ten ships of Dun- 
kirk, with brass guns, were waiting for them, the least 
of which carried thirty ordnance a piece. But if their 
Confidence had not, next under God, depended more on 
the courage, care, and diligence of the captain of the 
Admiral, than in their own company's valor or skill, their 
hearts might soon have failed. But this tempest of fear 
being thus happily blown over, they took their course 
forward for the Massachusetts, where, on Saturday, June 
the 12th, the Arbella, Admiral of the whole fleet, found 
her port to be very' near, about two 3 in the morning ; 

1 Nicholas Hurlston, Sav. Win. i. 8.— h. 2 Argued in the MS. ; ob- 
viously aslip of the pen. — -h. 3 Four, says Winthrop, i. 25.— -h. 


when, shooting off two pieces of ordnance, they sent 
their skiff aboard the Lyon, whereof was master Mr. 
William Peirse, which was SQme days arrived there be- 
fore, though none of the present fleet that was now ex- 
pected. According as the wind would bear they stood 
in towards the harbor ; and by the assistance of some 
shallops that in the morning came aboard them, they 
passed through the narrow strait betwixt Baker's 
Island and another little island, 1 and came to an anchor 
a little way within the said island. Mr. Peirse came 
presently aboard them, but returned to fetch Mr. Endi- 
cot, who came to them about two o'clock in the after- 
noon, bringing with him Mr. Skelton and Captain Levit. 2 
The Governor, with those of the Assistants aboard the 
said Admiral, with some other gentlemen and gentle- 
women, returned with them that night to Naumkeag, by 
the English called Salem, as is noted before, where they 
supped, with a good venison pasty and good beer, (which 
probably was not their every day's commons ;) but most 
of them returned back to the ship that night, liking their 
supper better than the lodging which, at ||that|| time, could 
be provided on the sudden; or else, that* they might 
leave the same free for the gentlewomen that went ashore 
with them, who, like Noah's dove, finding sure footing 
on the firm land, returned no more to their ark, floating 
on the unstable waves. In the mean time many of the 
rest of the people went ashore on the other side of the 
harbor, toward Cape Anne, where they were as well 
feasted, with strawberries, (with which, in those times, 
the woods were every where well furnished,) and it is 
like, as merry, as the gentlefolks at their venison pasty 
and strong beer ; those fruits affording both meat and 
drink, and peradventure physic also, to some that were 
inclining to scorbutic distempers. 

The next morning Masconomo with one of his men 
came aboard, being the sagamore, (which is, the lord 
proprietor) of that side of the country towards Cape 
Anne, to bid them welcome, staying with them all the 

About two in the afternoon they descried the Jewel, 


1 Little Island. Sav. Win. i 25. — h. 2 See Savage's Winthrop, i. 26. — h. 


another ship belonging to the fleet; and manning out 
their skiff, they waited them in as near the harbor as the 
wind and tide would suffer. 

The next morning early, June 14, the Admiral weighed 
anchor, and because the channel was narrow, and the 
winds against them, they warped her in within the inner 
harbor, where they came to an anchor ; and in the after- 
noon most of the passengers went ashore. 

On the Thursday after, June 17, the chief of the 
gentlemen, with the Governor, travelled to the Massachu- 
setts, to find out a place where to begin a Plantation ; 
but returned, on the Saturday, taking Nantasket in their 
way, where they met the Mary and John, a ship that 
sailed from the West Country, which brought Mr. Ros- 
siter and Mr. Ludlow, two of the Assistants, with several 
other passengers ; who, missing of Salem, needed the 
help of the Governor, and the rest of the Assistants with 
him, to make the harbor, where they were set ashore, a 
Salem, or place of peace to them and the master, which 
afterward they did ; the difference that had fallen out 
betwixt the master and the other gentlemen, being on 
that occasion- composed. 1 

July ||1,|| the Mayflower and Whale arrived safe 
in the harbor of Charlestown ; the passengers being all 
in health, but most of their cattle dead. If Jacob him- 
self had been there, he could not have, with all his skill 
and care, prevented the over-driving of cattle, shut up 
in the narrow room of those wooden walls, where the 
fierceness of the wind and waves would often fling or 
throw them on heaps, to the mischiefing and destroying 
one another. 

July 2, came in the Talbot, which had been sore 
visited with the small pox in her passage, and whereof 
fourteen died in the way. In one of them came Mr. 
Henry Winthrop, the Governor's second son, acci- 
dentally left behind at the Isle of Wight, or Hampton, 
whither he went to provide further supply of provisions 
for the gentlemen in the Admiral. 2 A sprightly and hope- 
ful young gentlemen he was, who, though he escaped 
the danger of the main sea, yet was unhappily drowned 
in a small creek, not long after he came ashore, even the 

' 11 5th || 

1 See Clap's Memoirs (Bost. 1844) page 40 ; and Savage's Winthrop, 
i. 28.— h. 2 See Savage's Winthrop. i. 7-8— h. 



very next day, July the 2d, after his landing, to the no 
small grief of his friends, and the rest of the company. 

July 3, arrived the William and Francis, 1 and two 
days after the Trial and Charles ; on the 6th day came 
in the Success. 

The Amhrose was brought into the harbor at Salem, 
before the Governor and company returned from the 
Massachusetts. So as now, all the whole fleet being 
safely come to their port, they kept a public day of 
thanksgiving, July the 8th, through all the Plantations, to 
give thanks to Almighty God for all his goodness and 
wonderful works, which they had seen in jtheir voyage. 

On the 20th of August arrived another ship in Charles- 
town harbor, called the Gift ; which ship, though she was 
twelve weeks at sea, yet lost but one passenger in her 
whole voyage. 

There were no less than ten or eleven ships employed 
to transport the Governor and company, with the rest of 
the planters, at that time bound for New England ; and 
some of them ships of good burthen, that carried over 
about two hundred passengers apiece ; who all, by the 
good providence of God, arrived safe at their desired 
port before the 11th of July, 1630 ; and some' of them 
about the middle of June. Yet many of them were, soon 
after their arrival, arrested with fatal distempers, which 
(they being never accustomed to such hardships as then 
they found) carried many of them off into the other 
world. It was a sad welcome to the poor planters, that, 
after a long and tedious voyage by sea, they wanted 
house-room, with other necessaries of entertainment, 
when they came first ashore, which ^occasioned so many 
of their friends to drop away before their eyes ; none of 
them that were left knowing whose turn would be next. 
Yet were not the surviving discouraged from attending such 
services as their undertaking necessarily required of them. 

Amongst others that were at that time visited with 
mortal sickness, the Lady Arbella, the wife of Mr. Isaac 
Johnson, was one, who possibly had not taken the coun- 
sel of our Savior, to sit down and consider what the 
cost would be before she began to build. For, coming 
from a paradise of plenty and pleasure, which she enjoy- 

1 And also the Hopewell, Sav. Win. i. 29. — h. 


ed in the family of a noble Earldom, into a wilderness 
of wants, it proved too strong a temptation for her ; so as 
the virtues of her mind were not able to stem the tide 
of those many adversities of her outward condition, which 
she, soon after her arrival, saw herself surrounded withal. 
For within a short time after she ended her days at Salem, 
where she first landed ; and was soon after [as] solemnly 
interred as the condition of those times would bear, 
leaving her husband (a worthy gentleman of note for 
piety and wisdom) a sorrowful mourner, and so over- 
whelmed in a flood of tears and grief, that about a month 
after, viz. September 30, 1630, carried him after her 
into another world, to the extreme loss of the whole 

Of this number of ships that came this year for New 
England, and were filled with passengers of all occupa- 
tions, skilled in all kind of faculties, needful for the 
rTlanting of a new colony, some set forth from the west 
of England, but the greatest number came from about 
London, though South-Hampton was the rendezvous 
where they took ship ; in the three biggest of which 
were brought the Patentees, and persons of greatest qual- 
ity, together with Mr. John Winthrop, the Governor, 
that famous pattern of piety, wisdom, justice, and liber- 
ality, which advanced him so often to the place of gov- 
ernment over the whole jurisdiction, by the annual 
choice of the people: and Mr. Thomas Dudley, a gen- 
tleman who, by reason of his experience, and travels 
abroad, as his other natural and acquired abilities quali- 
fied him in the next place, above others, for the chief 
place of rule and government ; wherein, according to 
his just desert, he oft shared more than some others. 

Besides the abovenamed there came along with the 
same fleet several other gentlemen of note and quality, 
as Mr. Ludlow, Mr. William Pynchon, Mr. Simon Brad- 
street, Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Sharp, and others : as 
likewise some eminent and noted ministers, as Mr. Wil- 
son, (who had formerly been a minister of one of the 
parishes of Sudbury, in the County of Suffolk, ) Mr. 
George Phillips, (who had been minister of Bocksted, in 
Essex,) with Mr. John Maverick, and Mr. Warham, 


who had been ministers in the West Country. These 
were among the first adventurers that came over to 
New England to plant the wilderness and lay a founda- 
tion for others, in after time, to build upon. 


The first planting the Massachusetts Bay with towns, after 
the arrival of the Governor and company that came 
along with him ; and other occurrents that then fell out. 
1630, 1631, 1632. 

The people that arrived at the Massachusetts in the 
fleet, Anno 1630, were not much unlike the family of 
Noah at their first issuing out of the ark, and had, as it 
were, a new world to people ; being uncertain where to 
make their beginning. Salem was already planted, and 
supplied with as many inhabitants as at that time it was 
well able to receive. Therefore the Governor and most 
of the gentlemen that came along with him, having 
taken a view of the bottom of the Massachusetts Bay, and 
finding that there was accommodation enough for several 
towns, took the first opportunity of removing thither 
with their friends and followers ; and at the first pitched 
down on the north side of Charles River, where they laid 
the foundation of the first township. But the chiefest 
part of the gentlemen made provision for another Plan- 
tation on the neck of land on the south side of the said 
river, (which was after, on the account of Mr. Cotton, 
called Boston,) by erecting such small cottages as might 
harbor them in the approaching winter, till they could 
build themselves more convenient dwellings another year. 
And accordingly, the Governor and Deputy Governor, 
with most of the Assistants, removed their families thither 
about November ; and being settled there for the present 
they took further time for consideration, where to find a 
convenient place to make a fortified town, which then was 
their aim. Some scattering inhabitants had a few years be- 
fore taken u p their habitations on each side the said Charles 
River: some at a place called Mattapan, (since Dorches- 
ter,) situate on the south side of the Massachusetts Bay, 


three or four miles from Boston, and faced on two sides with 
the sea. This place was at the same time seized by Mr. 
Ludlow and his friends, with whom joined Mr. Maverick 
and Mr. Warham, as their ministers. Mr. Pynchon 
and some others chose a place in the midway be- 
tween Dorchester and Boston for their habitation ; and 
the year after obtained Mr. Eliot, that came the same 
year 1 for their minister, and called the place Roxbury. 
Sir Richard Saltonstall settled his family and friends at a 
place higher up the north side of Charles River, with 
whom joined Mr. Phillips, as their minister, and called 
the place Watertown. The reason of the name was not 
left upon record, nor is it easy to find ; most of the other 
Plantations being well watered, though none of them 
planted on so large a fresh stream as that was. 

Those who at first planted on each side of Charles 
River, at the bottom of the Bay, made but one congrega- 
tion for the present, unto whom Mr. Wilson was minister 
at the first. But he going to England the next spring, 2 
and not returning with his family until the year 1632, 3 
those of the north side called one Mr. James to be their 
pastor, 4 and named their town, from the river it was seated 
upon, Charlestown : as those on the other side, being 
now become a distinct town of themselves, and retaining 
Mr. Wilson for their minister, afterward called their 
Plantation Boston, with respect to Mr. Cotton, who came 
from a town in Lincolnshire so called, when he came into 
New England. 

The whole company being thus, as it were, disposed into 
their winter quarters, they had the more leisure, (though, 
no doubt, in those their first beginnings they had all 
their heads full of business, and their hands full of work,) 
to consider of a convenient place for their fortified town. 

The 6th of December following the Governor and 

most of the Assistants, with others, had a meeting at 

I Roxbury ; when they agreed to build it on the neck of 

land between Roxbury and Boston ; and a committee 

was appointed to consider of all things requisite there- 

1 Eliot arrived at Nantasket, in the Lyon, Nov. 2, 1631, and was dis- 
missed to the Church at Roxbury, Nov. 5, 1632. Sav. Win. i. 63-4, 93.— h. 

2 He sailed from Salem, April 1, and arrived at London, April 29. Ibid. 
52.— h. 3 May 26, in the Whale. Ibid. 77. -h. 4 He was elected 
and ordained Nov. 2, 1632. Prince, pp. 407-8.— h. 


unto. But the week after the committee meeting again, 
upon further consideration, concluded that the former 
place would not be convenient, for want of running 
water, and other reasons. On the 21st of December 
they met again at Watertown, where, upon view of a 
place a mile beneath the town, they pitched upon that as 
a place convenient for their purpose, and there agreed 
to build the fortified town ; yet took time to consider 
further about it. Till that time they had fair open 
weather, with only gentle frosts in the night ; but soon 
after the wind coming at north-west, very sharp and 
cold, made them all betake themselves to the fireside, and 
contrive §how§ to keep themselves warm, till the winter 
was over. But in the spring they were forward with 
the design again, and intended to carry it on amain. The 
Governor had the frame of an house set up in the place 
where he first pitched his tent ; and Mr. Dudley had not 
only framed, but finished, his house thereabouts, and re- 
moved himself and family thereinto before the next win- 
ter. But upon some other considerations, which at. first 
came not into their minds, the Governor took down his 
frame, and brought it to Boston, where he intended to 
take up his residence for the future ; which was^no small 
disappointment to the rest of the company that were 
minded to build there on the north-side of the river, and 
accompanied with some little disgust between the two 
chief gentlemen ; but they were soon after satisfied in 
the grounds of each other's proceedings. The place 
wherein Mr. Dudley and others had built, was after 
called New-Towne ; who yet were without any settled 
minister till Mr. Hooker came over in the year 1633. 
Mr. Winthrop, the Governor, still remaining at Boston, 
which was like to be the place of chiefest commerce, he 
prepared his dwelling accordingly, and had liberty to 
attend the public affairs of the country, which then 
needed the exerting of his authority, for the settling of 
things as well relating to the civil, as the ecclesiastical, 
state of the country. For though the company that came 
over in the fleet were all of one heart and mind, and 
aimed at one and the same end, to make and maintain a 
settled and orderly Plantation, yet there wanted not 
secret enemies on the place, as well as some more open 


further off, that labored what they could, either to un- 
dermine their power, or obstruct their proceedings : as 
some also soon after were raised up from among them- 
selves, who, if not false brethren, yet acting upon false 
principles, occasioned much disturbance to the towns 
and churches of the whole Plantation. The chief of the 
first sort were Thomas Morton, (of whom there hath 
been too much occasion to speak before,) and one Philip 
Ratcliffe, 1 that had been employed there, the one by Mr. 
Weston, the other by Mr. Cradock, or some other gen- 
tlemen, to trade with the Indians; and being accustomed 
to a loose and dissolute kind of life, knew not how to 
bear restraint, and therefore, perceiving what government 
was like to be set up and carried on in the Massachu- 
setts, they set themselves, what they could, to oppose the 
authority that was like to be there established, and make 
disturbance : and therefore were they, as soon as ever the 
Governor and Assistants had any liberty to keep Courts, 
called to an account ; the one in the year 1630, the other 
in the year following. They were both sentenced to 
undergo imprisonment, as well as other severe punish- 
ments for their several misdemeanors, till they could be 
sent back to England, that the Plantation here might be 
no longer pestered with them. Captain Brock, 2 master 
of the ship called the Gift, ( [which] arrived here the 
20th of August, and was to return the next month,) 
might have had the honor to carry one of them, viz. 
Morton, back into England ; but he professed he was 
not gifted that way, nor his ship neither, for such a pur- 
pose, as not willing to trouble himself nor his country 
with such vagabonds, from which they had been happily 
freed for some years before. 

The same summer, viz. 1630, arrived at Pascataqua 
one Captain Neale, sent from Sir Ferdinando Gorges and 
others, in the bark or ship Warwick ; sent, as was said, 
while the New English fleet lay at the Isle of Wight, to 
find out the Great Lake at the northward, and so to inter- 
rupt the trade of beaver. It was feared she had been 
(taken by those of Dunkirk, with whom our nation at 
jthat time was at variance. But Providence so favoring, 

1 See pages 141 and 145.— h. 2 Brook, says Savage's Winthrop, i. 35 — h. 


she eame with her passengers to Pascataqua in the end 
of that summer, 1630; of whose designs there may be 
occasion to speak more afterwards. 1 

In this manner was the remaining part of the summer 
and autumn spent in looking out convenient places 
where to bestow themselves, so as the winter came upon 
them before they were well aware : although it held off 
that year till the end of December, when it began in 
good earnest to bite their fingers' ends, with greater se- i 
verity than ever the new planters had known in Europe ; | 
of which three of the Governor's servants had a very | 
sensible demonstration on the 24th of December, meet- I 
ing with the sharpest Christmas Eve that they had felt 
before. However, they were fairly warned for the fu- | 
ture to betake themselves to their winter quarters before j 
that time of the year ; the necessity of which others were i 
taught by the sad calamity which befel one Richard 
Garn, 2 and one Harwood, both counted godly, and of the [ 
congregation of Boston. They, with three or four more, | 
would needs adventure toward Plymouth in a shallop, I 
contrary to the advice of their friends. They set out on i 
the 22d a of December that winter, and came well to the I 
point called ^the^ Gurnet's Nose, entering into Plymouth j 
harbor : but then the wind so overblew at northwest, I 
that they were put by the mouth of the harbor, driven 
from their anchor, and at last forced ashore at Cape Cod, j 
fifty miles from the place they were bound to ; and were j 
so frozen with the severity of the cold and boisterous- : 
ness of the waves, that many of them lost either their I 
limbs or lives thereby. And those that escaped best yet 
continued long under the surgeon's hands before they 
recovered the use of their hands and feet, notwithstand- 
ing they might say, as Paul at Malta, that the barbarians 
shewed them no small kindness at their first landing. 
But it was to be feared that they had not so good a 
call to run the hazard of a winter's voyage, in an un-! 
known country; and the words of Paul himself might 
have been applied to them : that they should have heark-j 
ened to their friends, and not to have sailed from a good j 

1 See pages 216-17, 219-20.— h. 

2 Garrett, say Winthrop and Prince. — h. 



harbor at Boston to have gained that harm and loss to 
themselves and friends. 1 

But thus were these poor people, for want of experience 
and judgment in things of such a nature, ready to expose 
themselves to many hazards in an unknown wilderness, 
and met with much hardship, some by fire, as others 
by water, in their first settlement, before they were well 
acquainted with the state of new Plantations, and nature 
of the climate. Some suffered much damage by the 
burning of their hay-stacks, left in the meadows, to the 
starving of their cattle ; as others had by burning their 
small cottages, either framed or covered with very com- 
bustible matter, to which they were not accustomed in 
their former dwellings ; and so were taught, by many 
temptations and sufferings, to stoop to a wilderness con- 
dition, which they had freely chosen to themselves, for 
the quiet of their minds, and good of posterity. Many 
of those that were compelled to live long in tents, and 
lie upon, or too near, the cold and moist earth, before 
they could be provided of more convenient dwellings, 
were seized of the scurvy, of which many died about 
Boston and Charlestown. But it pleased God of his 
great mercy very seasonably, the 5th of February follow- 
ing, to send in Mr. William Peirse, in the ship Lyon of 
Bristol, 2 of about two hundred tons, who (being ac- 
quainted with the nature of the country and state of the 
people,) brought in store of juice of lemons, with the use 
of which many speedily recovered from their scorbutic 
distempers, as was observed for the most part, unless it 
were in such persons as had the said disease in their 
minds, by discontent, and lingering after their English 
diet, of all which scarce any were known ever to re- 
cover. And many that, out of dislike to the place 
and for fear of death, would return back to their own 
country, either found that they sought to escape, in their 
way thither, or soon after they arrived there. 

It went much the harder with this poor people, in their 
first beginnings, because of the scarcity of all sorts of 
grain that year in England; every bushel of wheat meal 
standing them in fourteen shillings, and every bushel of 

1 See Savage's Winthrop, i. 39-41. — h. 

2 He sailed for Ireland, to procure provisions, in Aug. 1630; left Bristol 
Dec. 1, and arrived at Nantasket Feb. 5, 1630-1.— H^ 



pease in ten 1 shillings, and not easy to be procured neither; 
which made it the more excusable in them that at that 
time sold the Indian corn, which they brought from 
Virginia, 2 at ten shillings per bushel. For at this time, 
the people of the country in general were, like the poor 
widow, brought to the last handful of meal in the barrel, 
before the said ship arrived, which made them improve 
part of the new supply in a solemn day of thanksgiving 
that spring. 

Things thus happening in the Plantations of New Eng- 
land, it carried the resemblance of a cloud of darkness 
to some, as of light to others ; which appeared by the 
return of some to England the next opportunity, with in- 
tent never to see New England again, as did Mr. Sharp 
and some others : while others returned only to fetch 
over their families and the residue of their estates, as 
did Mr. Wilson, who (with Mr. Coddington, that went 
from Boston, 3 April the 1st, 1631, and arrived at London, 
April the 29th of the same month,) having commended 
the congregation of Boston to the grace of God by fer- 
vent prayers when he took his leave of them, and to the 
care of Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley, with other godly 
and able Christians in the time of his absence, for 
carrying on the worship of God on the Lord's day, by 
prophesying (as they called it in those times at Plymouth,) 
till his return. No -doubt but these prayers were heard, 
as well for the protection and preservation of them that 
staid, as of them that were going to sea, both for them- 
selves and them that were going that way about the same 
time: as was found in several of the fleet that returned 
not till the spring, 4 and were at that time mercifully pre- 

The Ambrose being new masted at Charlestown, had 
spent all her masts by a storm about Newfoundland, and 
was left as a wreck upon the sea in a perishing condition, 
had not Mr. Peirse in the Lyon, (with whom they con- 
sorted,) towed them home to Bristol. Three other ships 
of the fleet, viz. the Charles, the Success, and the Whale, 
w T ere set upon by the Dunkirkers, near Plymouth in 
England, and after long fight, having lost many men, 

1 About eleven, say Winthrop and Dudley. — h. 

*In a pinnace of eighteen tons, to Salem, May 27, 1631. Sav. Win.i. 56. — h. 

3 An error; it should be Salem. Ibid. 51-2. — h. 

4 A mistake ; they returned to England in Aug. 1630. — h. 


and being much torn, (especially the Charles,) they gat 
safe into Plymouth at last. 

But as some were earnestly striving by prayer, travels, 
and other endeavors, to promote the welfare of this Col- 
ony of the Massachusetts, so were others found as active 
and busy to obstruct and hinder the progress thereof; 
stirred up, no doubt, by the same spirit which moved 
Amalek of old to set upon Israel in their rear, when they 
were weak and unable to defend themselves. 

For about the 14th 1 of June, 1.631, a shallop from Pas- 
cataqua arrived at Boston, which brought news of a 
small English ship, by the which 2 Captain Neal, Governor 
of Pascataqua, sent a packet of letters to the Governor, 
directed to Sir Christopher Gardiner, which were opened, 
because they w T ere sent to one that was their prisoner; 
and thereby it was understood that they came from Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, who claimed a great part of the Bay 
of Massachusetts. In the same packet came another let- 
ter to Thomas Morton, sent prisoner before into England 
by order from thence. By that letter it was perceived 
likewise, that the writer of them had some secret design 
to recover his pretended right, and that he reposed much 
trust in Sir Christopher Gardiner for that end. But the 
said Gardiner being now imprisoned at Boston,' (of which 
more shall be said afterwards, chap, xxvi,) in order for 
his sending home for England, after Morton, the said 
letters were opened by authority of the country, 3 being 
sent to them that were illwillers to the place. And Rat- 
cliffe also being fallen under the same or worse condem- 
nation, the Colony was now at peace and quiet to attend 
thei necessary occasions at home, leaving their three 
grand enemies to carry on their purposes (as they saw 
good) elsewhere. But it appeared in the issue that no 
weapon formed against them whom God hath a mind to 
preserve and bless, shall ever prosper and take place. 

July the 6th of this year, 1631, a small ship, called the 
Plough, 4 came into Nantasket with a company of Fami- 
lists, called the Husbandmen 5 Company, bound for Saga- 
dehoek, called by some the Plough-Patent. But not lik- 
ing the place they returned to Boston, and carrying their 

1 25th, says Winthrop. — h. 2 I. e. the shallop.— h. 

3 Perhaps it should be Governor. — h. 

4 " Mr. Graves, master," says Winthrop, i. 58. — h. 

5 Husband and in the MS. ; evidently a mistake in transcribing. lb. 58. — h. 


vessel up towards Watertown, (a Plantation for husband- 
men principally,) they laid her bones there ; but them- 
selves soon after vanished away, and came to nothing. 1 

October 22, 1631 , came a letter from Captain Wiggan of 
Pascataqua River, informing of a murther committed by an 
Indian sagamore and his company upon one Walter Bag- 
nail, called Great Watt, and one I. P., a that kept with 
him, at Richmond's Island. The Indians having killed 
the two men, burnt the house, and carried away the 
goods. He persuaded the Governor to send twenty men 
presently after them to take revenge. But the Governor, 
advising with the Council, understood that Captain Neal 
had sent after them, and having no boats fit for such an 
expedition, thought it best to sit still awhile. 

It was commonly reported that the said Bagnali had 
been servant .to one in the Bay, and the last three years 
had lived alone, with one other in his company, at the 
said isle, where he had shewed himself a very wicked 
fellow, and had much wronged the Indians, who were 
now, by the just hand of God, let loose upon him. " He 
that gathereth riches, and not by right," (for he had got- 
ten c£300 2 estate by such ways,) " is like a partridge that 
scrapeth eggs together and hatcheth them not ; and in 
the end shall die a fool." 3 

But these things being premised, it is in the next 
place to be considered what troubles did arise among 
themselves. For the people, at their first coming over 
hither, were not much unlike a stock of bees newly 
swarmed from their old hive, which are not ofttimes 
without much difficulty settled in their new one, and are 
very apt to be disturbed with every little occasion, and 
not easily quieted again, as may appear by what fell out 
in one of the first churches. For in the congregation 
settled at Watertown in the year 1630, under the charge 
of Mr. George Phillips, (an able and faithful minister of 
the Gospel at Bocksted, near Groton, in Suffolk,) was no 
little trouble raised by Richard Browne, their ruling elder, 
(who was thought sometimes to overrule the church 
there,) a man of a violent disposition, and one of the 
Separation in England, and by his natural temper fit for 

1 See Savage's Winthrop, i. 5S, 60 ; and page 368. — h. 

• About £400. Ibid. 63.— h. 3 Jerem. xvii. 11.— h. 



their purpose. He had raised a great dust in the place 
by the eager defending of a question (at that time need- 
lessly started) about the truth of the present Church of . 
Rome : the said Browne stiffly maintained the truth of 
the said Church. Sure it was not out of his charity to 
the Romish Christians, to provide them a place of safety 
to retreat unto, in case other churches should declare 
against them as a synagogue of Satan, rather than the 
spouse of Christ, (although the Reformed Churches did 
not use to rebaptize those that renounce the religion of 
Rome and embrace that of the Reformation,) and so un- 
church them : but the violence of some men's tempers 
makes them raise debates, when they do not justly offer 
themselves, and like millstones grind one another when 
they want other grist. 

The Governor 1 wrote a letter to the congregation, di- 
rected to the pastor and brethren ; to advise them to take 
it into consideration, whether the said Browne was fit to 
be continued their elder or not. The congregation was 
much divided about him, upon that and some other 
errors, and both parties repaired to the Governor for 
assistance, who promised to give them a meeting at 
Watertown, December 8, 1631, which accordingly he 
did, being accompanied with the Deputy Governor and 
others of the Assistants, with the elder 2 of the congrega- 
tion of Boston. When they were assembled, the Governor 
told them they might proceed either as magistrates, 
their assistance being formerly desired by them, or as 
members of a neighbor congregation ; in which respect 
they yielded to let the matters in controversy be declared; 
when after much agitation they came to this conclusion, 
that their ruling elder was guilty of errors in judgment 
and conversation, on which account they could not com- 
municate with him till they were reformed. Whereupon 
they agreed to seek God in a day of humiliation, and so 
by solemn writing 3 each party promised to reform what 
was amiss ; yet this agreement was not so well observed 
but that afterward new stirs were raised in that town y 
but upon a civil and not ecclesiastical account. For in 
February following,' those of Watertown made some op- 

1 Should probably be Court. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 67. — h. 
8 Increase Nowell. Ibid.— h. 3 This word should be uniting. Ibid. 

68.— h. 



position against a levy that was to be raised upon them 
towards public charges, of which their share was but £8, 
which yet they stood so much upon their liberty as to 
refuse the payment [of,] because they took the govern- 
ment to be only like that of a Mayor and Aldermen, who 
have no power to make laws, or raise taxes, without the 
people. But being called before the Governor and As- 
sistants, 1 they were told that the government was rather 
in the nature of a Parliament, in that the Assistants were 
chosen by the people at a General Court every year, when 
the people had a free liberty to choose Assistants and re- 
move them, if need were, to consider and propound mat- 
ters of that nature, or any matter of grievance, without 
being subject to question 5 with which they were not 
only fully satisfied, but convinced of their former error, 
which they publicly acknowledged. 

Yet for all this did some further leaven of the former 
schism still continue at Watertown, so «as they saw it 
necessary, in July following, to set the Separatists a day, 2 
wherein to come in, or else to be liable to church cen- 
sure. All persons submitted within the time, save one, 3 
who had so much stomach as not to yield till he was 
censured, soon after which he submitted himself. 

During the infancy of the government, in these their 
weak beginnings, when they were both feeble and few in 
number, it pleased God, who hath the hearts of all men 
in his hand, to lay such a restraint on the heathen, (or 
else the false alarums in September, 1632, that made such 
distraction, might have been to their destruction, if it had 
been a true one,) so that their chief sagamores, both near 
by and more remote, made divers overtures of friend- 
ship with them, proffering some of them many kind- 
nesses, which they ||knew|| not well how to refuse, nor ac- 
cept ; not much unlike them that hold a wolf by the ears. 

Amongst the rest, August 5, 1632, one of the great 
sachems of the Narhagansets, (that most populous com- 
pany of all the Indians in those parts,) called Mecumel, 4 
but afterwards Miantonimo, of whom there will be more 
occasion to speak in the year 1643, came down to Bos- 
ton to make peace or a league with the English, eitherout 

|| know || 

1 On Feb. 17. Sav. Win. i. 70.— h. 2 July 5. Ibid. 81.— h. 

* John Masters, by name. Ibid.— h. 4 Mecumeh. Ibid. 86.— h. 


of fear or love ; and while himself and his followers were 
at the sermon, 1 three of them withdrew from the as- 
sembly, and being pinched with hunger, (for " venter non 
habet aures,") broke into an English house in sermon 
time to get victuals. The sagamore, (an honest spirited 
fellow, as his after actions declared,) was hardly per- 
suaded to order them any bodily punishment, but to 
prevent the shame of such attendants, forthwith sent 
them out of town, and followed himself not long after. 

About the same time, 2 came a company of Eastern In- 
dians, called Tarratines, and in the night assaulted the 
wigwam of the sagamore of Agawam. They were near 
an hundred in number, and they came with thirty canoes, 
(a small boat, made with the bark of birchen trees.) 
They slew seven men, and wounded John and James, 
two sagamores that lived about Boston, and carried 
others away captive, amongst whom one was the wife 
of the said James, which they sent again by the 
mediation of Mr. Shiird of Pemaquid, that used to trade 
with them, and sent word by him that they expected 
something in way of ransom. This sagamore of Aga- 
wam (as was usually said) had treacherously killed some 
of those Tarratines' families, and therefore was the less 
pitied of the English that were informed thereof. 

These are the principal occurrents that happened at 
the first settling of the Plantation of the Massachusetts, 
wherein are briefly hinted the troubles they met witha^ 
upon the place. But Sir Christopher Gardiner, Thomas 
Morton, and Philip RatclifTe, being sent back to England 
for several misdemeanors, endeavored what they could 
to undermine the Plantation of the Massachusetts, by pre- 
ferring complaints against them to the King and Council ; 
beingseton by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain Mason, 
which had begun Plantations about Pascataqua, and aim- 
ed at the general government of New England for their 
agent, Captain Neale, as was said. Their petition was 
affirmed to contain many sheets of paper, wherein, among 
some truth represented, were many false accusations laid 
to the r charge ; as if they intended rebellion, having cast 
off their allegiance, and that their ministers and people did 

1 On Sunday, Aug. 5 ; he had lodged two nights in Boston, so that he came 
on the third. Sav. Win. i. 86.— h. 
'Not so; it was on Aug. 8, 1631. Ibid. 59-60.— h. 


continually rail against the State, Church, and Bishops of 
England. But Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Humphry, 
and Mr. Cradock, the first Governor of the Company, 
being then in England, gave a full answer to all those 
bold allegations and accusations, the effect of which shall 
more particularly be declared in the following chapters. 
Captain Levet, 1 about this time returning for England, 
died at sea; by which occasion some letters, sent from indis- 
creet persons, fell into the hands of them that had no good 
will for the Plantation, and by that means clamors were* 
raised against them, which furnished their enemies with 
matters of complaint against them, which their petitions 
were stuffed withal. Information hereof was brought by 
Mr. Trevore, that arrived 2 February 22, 1633, who 
brought goods and passengers for the Massachusetts. 
Yet, notwithstanding all their endeavors, multitudes of 
passengers came over every year, in all the succeeding 
years of the two first lustres, sc. till 1640 ; when, by 
the turn of times in England, great hopes of reformation 
possessed men's minds that they need not travel so far 
for liberty of conscience, which they expected should be 
granted them where they were : which put a stop to the 
coming over of any more passengers to New England, 
and occasioned a great change of their affairs thereby. 3 


The first Courts kept in the Massachusetts , after the com- 
ing over of the Governor. The carrying on of their 
civil affairs, from the year 1630 to 1636, with the ac- 
cusations against them before the King and Council. 

The first Court of Assistants, after the arrival of the 
Governor and Patentees in the Massachusetts, was held 
at Charlestown, 4 August 23, the same year, 1630; at 
which time orders were made concerning the planting of 
the Colony, in the several Plantations that soon began to 
be erected ; as likewise for the regulating the wages of 
artificers employed in buildings, &c. f it being commonly 
found that men, gotten from under the reins of govern- 

'See Sav. Win. i. 26.— h. , 

2 At Plymouth, in the ship William. Sav. Win. i. 100. — h. 

3 See page *2t3. — h. 

♦See Prince, pp. 313-14; Sav. Win. i. 30.— h. 


ment, are but like cattle without a fence, which are there- 
by apj; to run wild and grow unruly, without good laws. 

September 7, 1 1630. At another session of the Court, 
the Governor and Assistants considering the danger they 
might be exposed unto, in the midst of several nations of 
Indians, (in most of which they had little reason to put 
much confidence^) to prevent any possibility of arming 
such, as in future time might prove as goads in their 
eyes and thorns in their sides, it was enacted to be £10 
fine for any that should permit an Indian the use of a gun, 
the first offence ; the second offence they were to be im- 
prisoned and fined at discretion ; which it had been well 
if it had been observed. But all the foresight in the 
world will not prevent a mischief that is designed upon 
a place or people, as the fruit of their own folly, as in 
after time came to pass. And in some regard, it had 
been well such laws had never been made, unless they 
had been better observed. 

At the next meeting of the Court, some care was 
had about the more orderly settling of the civil gov- 
ernment, for the preserving the liberty of the people, 
and presenting any entrenching thereon by the power 
of the rulers ; (it being feared, at least it was then sup- 
posed by some, that the waves of the sea are not more 
ready to overflow their banks, when driven by the wind 
and tide, than the minds of men, naturally carried with 
that of ambition, are to invade the rights and liberties 
of their brethren.) Therefore, to prevent all inconven- 
iences of like nature possible to arise, October 19, 1630, 
at a General Court of the whole company, it was with 
joint consent agreed, and by erection of hands declared, 
that the freemen of the company should choose the As- 
sistants, from among themselves ; and that the Assist- 
ants should choose the Governor and Deputy, from among 
themselves ; and those so chosen should have power to 
make all laws, and choose officers to execute them : 
which order was not very long lived, for it remained in 
force only till the Court of Election, Anno 1632, when 
the election of the Governor was ordered otherwise. 2 
The next thing most material, happening at this session, 

1 September 2*8, says Prince, page 317. — h. a See page 149. -*— h. 


was the addition of one hundred and seven 1 persons to I 
the number of the freemen, enough for a foundation. | 

The first Court of Election that happened in the Massa- 
chusetts was on May 18, 1631, when the former Gov- t 
ernor and Deputy Governor, viz. Mr. Winthrop and I 
Mr. Dudley, were chosen^again into the same place they j 
had before. In the like manner did the choice pro- 
ceed amongst the Assistants, sc. to as many of them as |i 
were then found in the land of the living : some of them I 
being, before that time came about, received into another l 

At the said Court of Election, for the explanation of 
the former order of October 19, it was ordered by the I 
full consent of all the commons present, that once j 
every year shall be a General Court, when the commons j 
shall have power to nominate any one whom they de- j 
sire, to be chosen Assistant, and to remove any one or 
more that was before chosen in that place, as they 
should see occasion. And if the vote were not clear, | 
it should be tried by the poll. And further, that the ' 
body of the commons might be preserved of good n d 
honest men, it was ordered and agreed, that for time 
to come, no man be admitted to the freedom of the 
body politic, but such as are members of some of the 
churches within the limits of the same. 

Within the compass of the year 1631 arrived not so 
many ships as did the year before, fraught with sundry 
passengers with their families, bringing along with them 
all sorts of cattle, for the storing of the country therewith, 
fit for the beginning of a new plantation ; which with the 
blessing of Heaven so increased, that within a few years 
the inhabitants were furnished with not only enough for 
themselves, but were able also to supply other places 
therewith. For many that wished well to the Plantation 
were desirous to see how their friends liked, that went 
first. But in the third year many ships with passengers 
arrived there, and sundry persons were this year added 
to the number of the freemen, the whole, within two or 
three years after, amounting to two hundred and seventy. 

1 Should be one hundred and eight. See their names, Sav. Win. ii- 
361-2.— h. 


The General Court in the year 1632 happened on the 
9th 1 of May ; when it was ordered, that the Governor, 
Deputy Governor, and the Assistants, should be chosen 
by the whole court of Governor, Deputy, Assistants, and 
freemen ; and that the Governor should be chosen out 
of the Assistants, to prevent any inconveniency ^that 
might arise§ in case it should be otherwise, as was found 
by experience not many years after. , 

At this time Mr. Winthrop was again, by the general 
consent of the people, called to the place of Governor, 
and Mr. Dudley to that of Deputy, as before, and the 
same, Assistants which were in the former year. 

*Amongst those that came to New England in the year 
1630, mention was made of one Sir Christopher Gardiner, 
being (as himself said) descended of Gardiner, bishop of 
Winchester, who w T as so great a persecutor of good Pro- 
testants in Queen Mary's days. He being a great travel- 
ler received his first, honor of knighthood at Jerusalem, 
being made Knight of the Sepulchre there, and very well 
became that title, being himself a mere whited sepul- 
chre, as he soon discovered afterwards. He came into 
||those]| parts in pretence of forsaking the world, and to 
live a private life in a godly course, not unwilling to put 
himself upon any mean employment, and take any pains 
for his living, and sometimes offered himself to join to the 
church in sundry places. He brought over with him a 
servant or two, and a comely young woman, whom he 
^called his cousin ; but it was suspected that (after the 
Italian manner) she was his concubine. He living at the 
Massachusetts, for some miscarriages there, for which he 
should have answered, fled away from authority, and got 
atuongst the Indians in the jurisdiction of New Plymouth. 
The ||Governor 2 || of the Massachusetts sent after him, 
but could not get him, and promised some reward to those 
that should find him. The Indians came to the Govern- 
or of Plymouth, and told where he was, and asked if they 
might kill him. But the said Governor told them, no, 
they should not kill him by no means ; but if they could 

||these[| || 2 government|| 

* This account of Gardiner, &c. to p. 152, is also in Morton's Memorial. 
See year 1*532, p. 116-119. ed. 1721, l2mo. Bost., or p. 93-97. ed. 1772. 
4to. Newport. Ed. 

1 8th, says Sav. Win. i. 75. But see Prince, p. 393.— H. 


take him alive, and bring him to Plymouth, they should 
be paid for their pains. They said he had a gun, and a 
rapier, and he would kill them if they went about it, and 
the Massachusetts Indians said they might kill him. But 
the Governor aforesaid told them, no, they should not kill 
him, but watch their opportunity, and take him ; and so 
they did. For when they lighted on him by a river side, 
he got into a canoe to get from them ; and when they 
came near him, whilst he presented his piece at them to 
keep them off, the stream carried the canoe against a 
rock, and threw both him and his piece and rapier into the 
water. Yet he got out, and having a little dagger by 
his side, they durst not close with him, but getting long 
poles they soon beat his dagger out of his hand : so he 
was glad to yield, and they brought him to the Governor 
at Plymouth. But his hands and arms were swelled [and] 
very sore, with the blows the Indians had given him. But 
he used him kindly, and sent him to. a lodging, where his 
arms were bathed and anointed, and he was quickly well 
again. And when the Governor blamed the Indians for 
beating him so much, they said, they did but a little whip 
him with sticks. In his lodging those that made his bed 
found a little notebook, that by accident had slipped out 
of his pocket; or some private place, in which was a 
memorial what day he was reconciled to the Pope and 
Church of Rome, and in what University he took his 
Scapula, and such and such a Degree. It being brought- 
to the Governor of Plymouth, he kept it, and sent it to™ 
the Governor of the Massachusetts, with word of his 
taking, who .^ent for him. 1 But afterwards he was sent 
for England, and there showed his malice against the 
country ; but God prevented him. Of which business 
it is thought meet here to insert a letter from Mr. Win- 
throp, Governor of the Massachusetts, to Mr. Bradford, 
the Governor of Plymouth, (in reference to this matter,) 
as also the copy of an Order relating to the same, as fol- 
Ioweth. And first of the letter : 
Upon a petition 2 exhibited by Sir Christopher Gard- 
iner, Sir FerdinandoGorges, Captain Mason, &c, against 

1 See a letter bearing date May 4, 1631, from Winthrop to Bradford, in 
Prince, p. 353. — h. * See pages 145-6. — h. 


you and us, the cause was heard before the Lords 
of the Privy Council, and after 1 reported to the King ; 
the success whereof makes it evident to all, that the 
Lord hath care of his people here ; the passages are 
admirable, and too long to write. I heartily wish for 2 
an opportunity to impart them unto 3 you, being many 
sheets of paper; but the conclusion was, against all 
men's expectation, an order for our encouragement, 
and much blame and disgrace upon the adversaries, 
which calls for much thankfulness from us all, which 
we purpose (the Lord willing 4 ) to express in a day of 
thanksgiving to our merciful God, (I doubt not but you 
will consider if it be not fit for you to join in it ;) 
who, as he hath humbled us by his late correction, so 
he hath lifted us up by an abundant rejoicing in our 
deliverance out of so desperate a danger ; so as that 
which our enemies built their hopes upon to ruin us 
by, 5 he hath mercifully disposed to our great advantage, 
as I shall further acquaint you when occasion shall serve. 

The Copy of the Order follows. 
At the Court at Whitehall, the nineteenth of Jan- 
uary, 6 1632. 
Sigillum Crescent. 

Lord Privy-Seal, Mr. Treasurer, 7 

Earl of Dorset, Mr. Vice-Chambelain, 

Lord discount Falkland, Mr. Secretary Cook, 
Lord Bishop of London, Mr. Secretary Windebank, 
Lord Cottington. 

Whereas his Majesty hath lately been informed of 
great distraction and much disorder in the Plantation in 
the parts of America called New England, which if they 
be true, and suffered to run on, would tend to the [great] 8 
dishonor of this Kingdom, and utter ruin of that Planta- 
tion ; for prevention whereof, and for the orderly set- 
tling of government according to the intention of those 
Patents which have been granted by his Majesty, and 
from his late royal father King James, it hath pleased 
his Majesty that the Lords and others of his most hon- 
orable Privy Council should take the same into con- 
sideration ; their Lordships in the first place thought 

1 Afterwards in the MS. — h. 2 This word is not in Prince's copy of the 
letter.— h. 3 To in the MS.— h. 4 God willing in the MS.— h. 6 This 
word is not in Prince. — h. 6 January 19 in the MS. — h. 7 Trevers in 

the MS.— h. 8 Supplied from Prince.— h. 



fit to make a Committee of this board, to take exami- 
nation of the matters informed; which Committee hav- 
ing called divers of the principal Adventurers 1 in that 
Plantation, and heard those that are complainants against 
them, most of the things informed being denied, and 
resting to be proved by parties that must be called from 
that place, which required a long expense of time, and at 
present their Lordships finding the Adventurers 2 were 
upon despatch of men, victuals and merchandise for that 
place, all which would be at a stand if the Adventurers 
should have discouragement, or take suspicion that the 
State here had no good opinion of that Plantation, their 
Lordships not laying the fault or ||fancies|| (if any be) of 
some particular men upon the General Government, or 
principal Adventurers, which in due time is further to 
be inquired into, have thought fit in the mean time to 
declare, that the appearances were so fair, and hopes so 
great, that the country would prove both beneficial to this 
Kingdom, and profitable to the particular Adventurers 3 as 
that the Adventurers had cause to go on cheerfully with 
their undertakings, and rest assured, if things were car- 
ried as was pretended when the Patents were granted, 
and accordingly as by the Patents it 4 is appointed, his 
Majesty would not only maintain the liberties and privi- 
leges heretofore granted, but supply anything further that 
might tend to the good government, prosperity, and com- 
fort of his people there of that place, &c. 

[William Trumball.]* 
Upon the renewal of the same complaints, or other 
such like solicitations, there were other Orders made by 
the Lords of the Privy Council soon after. And as there 
was, some years before, cause given for the King's 
Majesty to take the government of the Plantation of Vir- 
ginia into his own hands, the same was by some urged and 
strongly endeavored with reference to New England ; 
so as, in the year 1633 5 , an Order was issued out for the 
Patent of the Massachusetts to be brought to the Council 
Table, and a Commission granted to several Lords of the 
Privy Council to regulate that as well as ^several* other 
foreign Plantations in the year 1635, as shall be declared 

|| faults || 

1 See page 146. — h. 2 Finding they in the MS. — H. 

3 To the particulars in the MS. — h. 4 By the patent is in the MS. — H. 

probably a mistake of the transcriber. — h. 


in its place ; at present only to mention the Order that 
was granted in the year 1633. 

The Copy of an Order made at the Council Table, Feb- 
ruary 21, 1633, 1 about the Plantation in New England. 
Whereas the Board is given to understand of the fre- 
quent transportation of great numbers of his Majesty's 
subjects out of this Kingdom to the Plantation of New 
England, amongst whom divers persons known to be ill 
affected, discontented not only with civil but ecclesias- 
tical government here, are observed to resort thither, 
whereby such confusion and distraction is already grown 
there, especially in point of Religion, as, beside the ruin 
of the said Plantation, cannot but highly tend to the 
scandal both of Church and State here : and whereas it 
was informed in particular, that there are at this present 
divers ships in the River of Thames, ready to set sail 
thither, freighted with passengers and provisions, it is 
thought fit, and ordered, that stay should be forthwith 
made of the said ships, until further order from this Board : 
and [that] the several masters and freighters of the same 
should attend the Board on Wednesday next, in the af- 
ternoon, with a list of the passengers and provisions in 
each ship ; and that Mr. Cradock, a chief Adventurer in 
that Plantation, now present before the Board, should 
be required to cause the Letters-patents for the said 
Plantation to be brought to this Board. 

Lord Archbishop of Can- Lord Cottington, 
terbury, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, 

Lord Archbishop of York, Mr. Secretary Cook, 
Lord Privy Seal, Mr. Secretary Windebank. 

Earl of Manchester, Tho : ||Meautis.|| 2 

Earl of Dorset, 

It seems Sir Christopher Gardiner, Thomas Morton, 
and Philip Ratcliffe, having been punished there for their 
misdemeanors, had petitioned to the King and Council, 
(being set on, as was affirmed, by Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
and Captain Mason, &c.) Upon which such 3 of the Com- 
pany as were there in England were called before the 
Committee of the Council, to whom they delivered §in§ 

|| Meantis || 

1 Old Style. See Holmes's Annals, i. 223-4.— h. 

2 See pages 154, 273, 428 ; Sav. Win. i. 135, 137, 143-4; Holmes, i. 
23-4— h. 3 See page 146.— H. 


an answer in writing; upon the reading whereof it pleased 
God so to work with the Lords, and after with the King's 
Majesty, when the whole matter was reported to him by- 
Sir Thomas Jermin, one of the Council, (but not of the 
Committee, who yet had been present at the three days 
of hearing, and spake much in ^the^ commendation 
of the Governor, both to the Lords, and after to his Ma- 
jesty,) that he said he would have them severely punish- 
ed, who did abuse his Governor and the Plantation ; that 
the defendants were dismissed with a favorable Order 
for their encouragement, being assured from some of the 
Council that his Majesty did not intend to impose the 
ceremonies of the Church of England upon them ; for 
that it was considered that it was the freedom from such 
things that made people come over to them. And it 
was credibly informed to the Council, that this country 
would, in time, be very beneficial to England for masts, 
cordage, pitch, &x., if the Sound should be debarred. 1 
About this time, or in the year 1634, 2 letters were 
brought into the country from one Mr. Leviston, a worthy 
minister in the north of Ireland, (himself being of the 
Scottish nation,) whereby he signified that there were 
many Christians in those parts resolved to go thither, if 
they might receive satisfaction concerning some ques- 
tions and propositions w r hich he sent over. Mr. Hum- 
phry, likewise, did that year, 1634, carry over into New 
England certain propositions 8 from some persons of good 
quality and estate, whereby they discovered their inten- 
tions to join with the people there, if they might receive 
satisfaction therein. The noise of such motions being 
carried to the Lords of the Committee for Foreign Plan- 
tations, caused them to take it into consideration as a 
matter of state ; so that they sent out warrants, as was 
said before, 4 to make stay of the ships bound to those 
parts. But upon petition of the ship-masters, (alleging 
how beneficial that Plantation would be to England, in 
regard of the trade of Newfoundland, which they took 
in their way homeward,) the ships were released, and no 
stop put unto them afterwards. Thus the tide of Princes' 
favor is apt to ebb and flow, according to the disposal 
of His power, who hath the hearts of all in his hand. 

1 See page 273; Sav. Win. i. 100, 102, 106, 107.— h. 

2 July 1634. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 135.— h. 

3 These propositions, with the answers thereto, may be found in Hutchin- 
son's Hist. Mass.. (fivn. Salem. 1705.^ i. 433-6. — h. 4 Paa fi 153. — H. 


And as concerning Mr. Leviston, it is known that 
himself and many of his friends were on their way 
thither but were forced back by extremity of weather : 
and since, it appeared that God had other work for him 
to do in his own country, and that he would raise up 
other instruments to carry on the Plantation of New 
England, as since hath been seen, both there and here, 

But to return to the Plantation, and the affairs there- 
of. The foundation of the Massachusetts Colony 
being so happily laid and hopefully thus far carried 
on, notwithstanding so much opposition, and strong 
endeavors to undermine all, the building went on com- 
fortably, by the accession of several hundreds that 
flocked over thither in the four next years ; so as the 
new inhabitants began to look out for more room, and 
commodious situations. About the end of the year 
1632, was discovered a very desirable tract of land, ten 
miles to the north-eastward of Salem, called by the In- 
dians Agawam, a place since its first discovery much 
increased with a great number of inhabitants, both 
planters and other artificers ; the most noted of which 
was Theodore de la Guard, the Cobbler,* that here first 
opened his shop, but removed afterwards to his native 
soil, where he fell upon another profession, viz. that of 
a preacher, which he had before many years exercised 
in the said Plantation, for his sake called Ipswich, or 
else by way of acknowledgment of the love and kind- 
ness done the people of New England which took ship 
there. 1 

Thus the first planters in every township, having the 
advantage of the first discovery of places, removed them- 
selyes into new dwellings, thereby making room for 
others to succeed them in their old. 

May the 29th, 1633, was the third Court of Election, 
where the honor, together with the burden, of the gov- 
ernment was again laid upon the same gentlemen, the 
country having had so large experience of their wis- 
dom and integrity in the former years : things still run- 

* Rev. Nathaniel Ward — author of a satire, entitled, " The Simple Cob- 
bler of Aggawam, &c. By Theodore de la Guard." See Eliot's Biogr. 
Diet.— Ed. 

1 See Savage's Winthrop, i. 99, 100-1, 118, 130, 133, 137.— h. 


ning in the same channel as formerly. And although 
the heginnings of this Colony seemed so contemptible 
at the first, yet were they able to maintain the authority 
of their government in despite of all malignant op- 
posers. For notice was that year taken of an impudent 
affrontofone Captain Stone, 1 offered to Mr. Ludlow, one 
of the magistrates, calling him, " Just Ass," for "Justice," 
when he sent men to apprehend him ; which was so highly 
resented, that it, with other misdemeanors, cost the 
offender an £100 and banishment, for he was indicted 
for adultery, on strong presumption, and was after- 
wards killed by the Pequod Indians, with Captain Nor- 
ton. 1 He thought to have braved authority with insolent 
words, the conniving at which tends directly to the 
overthrow of any government whatsoever. The giving 
way to the first offenders doth but embolden and en- 
courage others that next come. He that is mounted 
in the saddle had need keep the reins straight, unless 
he intends to be thrown down and trodden under foot. 
They that are the ministers of God, for the good of man- 
kind, should not bear the sword in vain. 

May 14, 1634. The freemen, that they might not 
always burthen one person with the yoke of the govern- 
ment, nor suffer their love to overflow in one family, 
turned their respects into another channel this year, 
calling Mr. Dudley to the helm of government for the 
following year, with whom was joined Mr. Ludlow, in 
the place of Deputy. 

At this Court, townships being occasionally seated more 
remote, and the number of the freemen beginning to in- 
crease, so as it was somewhat inconvenient for them all to 
meet together at the General Courts when convened, it 
was ordered, first, that there should be four General Courts 
every year, and that the whole body of freemen should be 
present at the Court of Election only, and that the free- 
men of every town might choose their deputies to act in 
their names and stead, at the other General Courts, (not 
much unlike the Knights and Burgesses here in England,) 
in the name of the commons; 2 which occasioned some of 

1 This individual seems to have been in rather bad repute with both the 
Mass. and Plymouth Colonists. See Sav. Win. i. 104, 111; Davis's Mor- 
ton, pp. 175-7. — h. 2 See page 176. — h. 3 The names of the deputies 
to this Court — the first representatives of Massachusetts — are given in 
Savage's Winthrop, i. 129-30.— h. 


the inhabitants to inquire into the nature of their liberty 
and privileges, which had almost caused some disturb- 
ance ; but by the wisdom of some private gentlemen, the 
trouble was prevented. For in the latter end of this 
year, the ministers, and other the most prudent of the 
inhabitants, were advised withal about a Body of Laws 
suited to the state of the Colony, and about an uniform 
order of discipline in the churches ; as also to consider 
how far the magistrate is bound to interpose for the 
preservation of the peace and unity of the churches ; nor 
ought this appearance of discontent become a scandal, or 
be looked upon as a bad omen to the design in hand. 
For as we know there were some in the congregation of 
Israel, and those men of renown, who began to grow 
turbulent, rebelling against the order of government, 
although it were established by God himself, much less 
is it to be wondered at, if such forms of government 
which cannot pretend to a divine and infallible contrive- 
ment, being but the ordinance of man, be opposed and 
undermined by the spirit that is in us, which lusteth 
unto envy. But by prudent and moderate counsels the 
danger of innovation was removed, and the humors scat- 
tered, before they gathered to an head. 

In the following year the freemen of the country be- 
ing willing that all the worthy gentlemen that had helped 
thus far to carry on the building should also, in some 
measure, share in the honor that belonged thereunto, at 
the next election changed the Governor again. There- 
fore, May 6, 1635, Mr. John Haynes, a worthy gentle- 
man, that had by his estate and otherwise much advanced 
the interest of the Plantation, was invested with the honor 
of. the government, as Mr. Bellingham, likewise, with 
the place of Deputy Governor with him. 

During this lustre of years the Colony of the Massa- 
chusetts was so prosperously increased with the arrival 
of near twenty considerable ships, every year save the 
second, 1631, that repaired thither with such a number 
of passengers, that the inhabitants were forced to look 
out for new Plantations almost every half year ; so as 
within the compass of this first lustre, after the Govern- 
ment and Patent were transferred into America, every 
desirable place fit for a Plantation on the sea coast was 


taken up, so as they were then constrained to look up 
higher into the main, where were discovered some pleas- 
ant and fruitful places, fit for new townships, for the 
receiving of such inhabitants as every year resorted this 
way. For within the foresaid compass of years, there 
were Plantations settled at Salem, in the first place, at 
Charlestown, at Boston, *(so named in honor of that 
miracle of learning and meekness, Mr. Cotton, who 
removed thither from a noted town in Lincolnshire of 
that name)* at Dorchester, [at] Roxbury, two miles 
from Boston, at Watertown, and New-Town, since Cam- 
bridge, up Charles river : then at Lynn, betwixt Salem 
and Boston ; and next at Ipswich and Newberry, north- 
east from Salem ; at Hingham, formerly called Bear 
Cove, and Weymouth, deserted by Mr. Weston's com- 
pany some years before, seated on the other side of the 
Bay, towards Plymouth ; and last of all at Concord, about 
twelve miles westward from Watertown, right up into 
the woods, called by the Indians Muskeraquid. 

Many new Plantations going on at this time made 
laborers very scarce, and the scarcity made workmen 
demand excessive wages, for the excusing of which it 
was pleaded, that the prices of wares with the merchants 
were proportionable. For the preventing of oppression in 
the one and in the other, orders were made in the Gen- 
eral Court that artificers, such as carpenters and masons, 
should not receive above, 2s. pr. diem, and laborers not 
above 18d. and proportionally, merchants should not 
advance above 4d. in the shilling, above what their goods 
cost in England. But those good orders were not of 
long continuance, but did expire with the first and 
golden age in this new world, things being raised since 
to treble the value well nigh of what at first they were. 
This order was made in November, 1633. 

The form of the civil government at the first seated 
in the Massachusetts may easily be gathered of what 
sort it was, from the premises forementioned, and from 
the words of the Patent, according to which it was de- 
lineated, as near as well might be : it being attempered 
with greatest resemblance to that of our own King- 
dom of England, and the several corporations thereof, 
where the power of jurisdiction, or the executive power, 


is || settled || in some principal persons, one or more, to 
whom some few others are wont to be joined in like com- 
mission, reserving to the people meet liberty by their 
personal approbation, or that which is done by proxy, 
which tantamounts, both in the election of the persons 
that are to rule, and in joining some of themselves with 
them in legislation, and laying of taxes upon the people : 
which is so equal a temperature to suit all the main ends 
of government and gratify all interests, that it is much 
any persons should be found ready to quarrel therewith, 
noihing being there established which savored of an 
unlimited or arbitrary power, nor any unusual form of 
administration of justice, nor more severity than is ordi- 
narily inflicted by the laws of England; and in some cases 
less, as in many offences by the laws of England called 
felony. In the Court of September, 1635, they began 
the use of Grand Juries, when there were an hundred 
offences presented by the first Grand Jury. It had been 
well that all following juries had been as quicksighted ; 
it might have prevented a great number of evils that are 
ready to break out in every place by men born in sin, 
unless it be by due severity provided against. Ever since 
that time, in criminal cases, they proceed by the inquest 
of a Grand Jury, and by Petit Juries as to matter of fact 
In civil actions the process is by writ, or attachment, as 
they call it there, after the manner of England ; the 
plaintiff giving notice to the defendant five days before 
he commences suit. Both the laws and administration 
of justice, according to this, being (as much as may be,) 
accommodated to the condition of the place, and ease of 
the people, and for the avoiding all unnecessary charges 
by fees, long delays, and vexatious suits; which makes it 
I the more to be admired that any should ever appear to 
complain, either of the laws or administrations of justice 
there ; unless men would plead for a general impunity, to 
live as they list, without ever being called to an account, 
than which nothing was ever heard of more destructive 
to the peace of societies, or general good of mankind. 
There were never worse times in Israel, than when there 
was no King, but every man did that which was right in 
his own eyes. 

11 seated || 



Various occurrences in New England, from the year 
1631 to 1636. 

The 21st of November, 1632, the Governor of the 
Massachusetts received a letter from Captain Neal, that one 
Bull, 1 with fifteen more of the English who kept beyond 
Pascataqua, were turned pirates, and had taken divers 
boats, and rifled Pemaquid, &c. Hereupon the Governor 
called the Council ; and it was agreed to send his 
bark, (then newly built,) with twenty men to join with 
those of Pascataqua for the taking the said pirates. But 
the extremity of the frost hindering the making ready 
the bark, and being informed that those of Pascataqua 
had sent out two pinnaces and two shallops, with forty 
men, above a fortnight before, they altered their resolu- 
tion, and deferred any further expedition till they heard 
what Captain Neal's company had done ; from whom they 
were certified, soon after, that the vessels they sent in 
pursuit of those pirates were wind-bound three weeks at 
Pemaquid. From Penobscot they were informed that 
they 2 had lost one of their chief men by a musket-shot 
from Pemaquid, and that four or five were detained 
amongst them against their wills, and that they had been 
at some English Plantations, and used so much civility 
as to take nothing but what they paid for, and that 
they had compounded with Mr. Maverick, whose pin- 
nace they had taken by force at first. They also sent a 
writing to all the Governors, signifying their intent 
not to do harm to any more of their countrymen, and 
resolution to sink rather than be taken, and that their 
purpose was to go southward. This writing was signed, 
Fortune le garde. 3 

Upon these informations they surceased any further 
pursuit after them ; only they took warning thereby, to 
look to themselves, not knowing but that some of the 
French in those parts might join with such loose fellows, 

1 See Clap's Memoirs, pp. 35-6. — h. 3 I. e. The pirates. Say, 

Win. i. 98. —h. 3 " And no name to it." Ibid.-^H. 


and mischief either their vessels or Plantations. For on 
the 17th of January following they had intelligence that 
the French had bought the Scottish Plantation near Cape 
Sables, and that the fort there, with all the ammunition, 
was delivered to them, and that the Cardinal of France, 
(supposed to be Richlieu,) having the managing of that 
affair, had sent some companies already, and that prepara- 
tion was made to send more the next year, with divers 
priests and Jesuits among them. This news alarmed the 
Governor and Council to stand upon their guard, and 
look to themselves; and, upon further debate and con- 
sultation with the chief of the country, it was agreed with 
all expedition to finish the fort began at Boston, and 
raise another at Nantaskit, and to hasten the planting of 
Agawam, (since Ipswich,) one of the most commodious 
places in the country for cattle and tillage, lest an ene- 
my should prevent them by taking possession of the 
place. To that end the Governor's son 1 was ordered 
forthwith to go and begin a Plantation there, although 
he had but twelve men allowed him to make the attempt, 
which was that spring 9 effected, but it was not long 
before many others came after. This was well advised, 
but, as it proved in the sequel, they were more afraid 
than hurt, for the French aimed at nothing but trade, 
and therefore were not forward to molest any of the 
English Plantations that intended something else. How- 
ever it was just reason to take notice of these alarums, 
for the middle of June before the French had rifled the 
trading-house of Plymouth at Penobscot, and carried 
away three hundred weight of beaver, with what other 
goods they found there, which was but as the ||distraining|| 
of a landlord for his rent, for default of which it was not 
long before he seized the place itself, which happened in 
the year 1635, when a French ship came with commis- 
sion from the King of France, (as was pretended,) and 
took the trading-house of Plymouth men at Penobscot, 
and sent away the men which were in it, but kept their 
goods, and gave them bills for them, and bid them tell 
all the Plantations as far as forty degrees, that they would 
come with eight ships next year, and displace them all. 

|| distressing || 
1 John Winthrop, Jim. — h. 2 In March. — h. 


But by a letter which the captain wrote to the Governor 
of Plymouth he informed, that he had commission from 
Monsieur Rossillon, commander of the fort near Cape 
Brittain, called La Haver, to displace the English as far 
as Pemaquid, and by it he professed all courtesy to them 
that were planted westward. 

The Plymouth men were not willing to put up an 
injury so quietly, being ready to believe they had a right 
to the place before God and man. Therefore they hired 
a great ship (called the Hope of Ipswich, Mr. Girling 
being master,) to displace the French and regain 
their possession. He was to have .£200 if he effected 
the design. They sent a bark of their own, with him 
and twenty men. But the French having notice, so 
strongly fortified the place, and entrenched themselves, 
(about eighteen persons,) as that, having spent near all 
his powder and shot, he was ready to give over the de- 
sign. The Plymouth bark came to the Massachusetts 
to advise what to do. The General Court agreed to aid 
them with men and ammunition, and therefore wrote to 
Plymouth to send one with commission to treat with 
them. The next week they sent Mr. Prince and Captain 
Standish with a commission so to do. They brought 
the matter to this issue, that they would assist their 
neighbors at Plymouth as their friends, and at their 
charge, but not as the common cause of the whole coun- 
try, and every one to contribute their part. And at that 
time provision was so scarce, (by reason of a great hur- 
ricane that spoiled much of their corn, on the 15th of 
August that year, 1 ) that they knew not where, on the 
sudden, to find means to victual out an hundred men, 
which the expedition would require : so all was deferred 
to further counsel, by which occasion Mr. Girling 
was forced to return, without effecting their purpose. 
Nor did they find any means afterward to recover their 
interest there any more. In October following, a pin- 
nace sent by Sir Richard Saltonstall upon a design for 
Connecticut, in her return home, was cast away upon the 
Isle of Sables. 2 The men were kindly entertained by the 
French there, and had passage to La Haver, about twenty 

1 See page 199. — h. 2 See Saltbnstall's letter to Gov. Winthrop, in 

Mass. Hist. Coll. xviii. 42. — h. 


leagues to the east of Cape Sables, where Rossillon afore- 
said was Governor, who entreated them courteously, 
granting four of them passage for France, and furnishing 
the rest with a shallop to return back to New England, 
but made them pay dear for their vessel. In this their re- 
turn they put into Penobscot, while Girling's ship lay there, 
but were kept prisoners till the said ship was gone and then 
were sent home with a courteous letter to the Governor. 

Before this, in the year 1634, a pinnace, belonging 
to Mr. Allerton of Plymouth, going to Port Royal to 
fetch two or three men that had been carried from a 
place called Machias, 1 where Mr. Allerton and some of 
Plymouth had set up a trading wigwam, and left five 
men and store of commodities, La Tour coming to dis- 
place them, and finding resistance, killed tw r o of them, as 
was said, and carried three away, of which he afterward 
cleared himself, Anno 1643 : and when some were sent 
to demand the goods taken thence, Monsieur La Tour, 
then chief upon the place, made answer, that he took 
them as lawful prize, and that he had authority from the 
King of France, who challenged all from Cape Sable to 
Cape Cod, wishing them to take notice and certify the 
English, that if they traded to the eastward of Pemaquid 
he would make prize of them. And being desired to 
show his commission, he answered, like a French Mon- 
sieur, that his sword was his commission when he had 
strength to overcome, and where he wanted he would 
show his commission. 2 But we shall afterwards find this 
Monsieur speaking softer words, when D'Aulney and 
he came to quarrel one with another, of which there will 
be much occasion to speak in the following part of this 
history ; and to observe how La Tour was dealt withal, 
as he had dealt with others, when his fort and all his 
goods were plundered by his neighbor Monsieur D'Aulney. 

In November, 1636, the same D'Aulney, Captain of 
Penobscot, in his answer to the Governor's letter, 3 said 
that they claimed no further than Pemaquid, nor would 
unless they had further order : and that he supposed the 
cause why he had no further order was, that the English 

1 "1633. Nov. News of the taking of Machias by the French." Sav. 
Win. i. 117. — h. 2 The pinnace returned about the middle of January, 

1634-5. Ibid. 154.— h. 3 Written, perhaps, in Oct. 1635. Ibid. 171.— h. 



ambassador bad dealt effectually with the Cardinal of 
France, for settling those limits for their peace. 

Amongst other things which about that time befell the 
Governor and Council of the Massachusetts as matter of 
disturbance, one w r as occasioned by an over zealous act 
of one of the Assistants of Salem, too much inspired by 
the notions of Mr. Roger Williams, who, to prevent the 
continuance or appearance of superstition, did of his own 
authority cut out the red cross out of the King's colors. 
Good men's zeal doth many times boil over. Complaint 
was made hereof by Richard Browne, the ruling elder of 
the church of Watertown, in the name of the rest of the 
freemen, at a Court of Assistants in November, 1634. The 
offence was argued by the complainant as a matter of an 
high nature, as fearing it might be interpreted a kind of 
rebellion to deface the King's colors : much indeed 
might have been said, had it been done in his coin. It 
was done upon this apprehension, that the red cross was 
given to the King of England by the Pope, as an ensign 
of victory, and so indeed by him as a superstitious 
thing, and a relic of Antichrist. No more was done 
therein at the first Court, but the awarding of an attach- 
ment against R. D. 1 , the ensign-bearer of Salem, to appear 
at the next Court ; and when that came about, 2 many minds 
being much taken up about the matter, because several of 
the soldiers refused to follow the colors so defaced, the 
Commissioners of Military Affairs (which at [that] time 
were established, with power of life and limb,) knew not 
well how to proceed in those matters. Therefore was 
the whole case left to the next General Court, which was 
the Court of Election, May 6, 1635 ; 3 when Mr. Endicot, 
that had cut out the red cross, or caused it to be done, 
in the ensign at Salem, was not only left out from being 
an Assistant by the freemen, but was also by a commit- 
tee of the freemen of the several towns, (the magistrates 
choosing two 4 to join with them,) judged to be guilty of 
a great offence, viz. rash indiscretion, in proceeding to act 
by his sole authority in a matter wherein all the rest of the 
magistrates were equally concerned, and thereby giving 
occasion to the Court of England to think ill of them, 

1 Richard Davenport. Sav. Win. i. 146. — h. 

2 March 4, 1634-5, at Newtown. Ibid. 155.— h. 

3 At Newtown. Ibid. 158. — h. 4 Four. Ibid. — h. 


and therefore worthy of admonition, and to be disabled 
from bearing any public office for one year. An heavier 
sentence was declined, because all were persuaded that 
he did it out of tenderness of conscience, and not out of 
an evil mind, and was also supposed, like Barnabas, to 
be carried away with the notions of rigid Separation, im- 
bibed from Mr. ||R.|| Williams, the pastor of the church 
of Salem. He had this also to comfort him in one part 
of his sentence, that his brother-in-law, Mr. Ludlow, fell 
into the same condemnation of being made no Assistant, 
by the choice of the freemen, though he were Deputy 
Governor the year before. The reason was, because he 
expected the Deputy's place to be but a step into the 
highest degree of honor, but finding himself at the time 
of election to miss of both, he could not contain from 
venting his ambition in protesting against the election as 
void : for he said the choice was agreed upon by the 
deputies before they came to elect. But the choice was 
adjudged good, and the freemen were so disgusted at his 
speech that, in the next place, they left him out from 
being a magistrate, which honor he had enjoyed ever since 
he came into the country till that time, for he was one 
of the Patentees. 

But as for the colors appointed for every company, 
(by the Court 1 referred to the Commissioners of Military 
Affairs for that end,) they ordered the King's colors in 
the usual form to be set up on the Castle, and every 
company to have an ensign proper to themselves, and 
Boston to be the first company. 2 

Some other occasions of trouble, besides the foremen- 
tioned, fell out within the first five years after the settling 
of the government. For after Mr. Hooker's coming over, 
it was observed that many of the freemen grew to be 
very jealous of their liberties. Some of them were ready 
to question the authority of the magistrates, affirming that 
the power of the government was but ministerial : and 
many arguments were by one or more produced in one 
of the General Courts in the year 1634, against the 
negative voice in the magistrates ; but it was ad- 
judged no good principle by the whole Court, and 

11 Roger 11 

1 In October 1635? Sav. Win. i. 170, 180.— h. 2 Ibid.— h. 


the deputy 1 that had so declared himself, was adjudged 
by them to be disabled from bearing any public office 
for three years, nor would they easily be persuaded to alter 
the sentence, when desired by a petition, presented for 
that end by many of the freemen at the next General Court. 1 
But the matter was better understood by some afterwards, 
that at that time had so strongly asserted the notion. 

But this essay did but strike at some of the upper 
branches, whereas Mr. Williams did lay his axe at the 
very root of the magistratical power in matters of the first 
table, which he drove on at such a rate, so as many agita- 
tions were occasioned thereby, that pulled down ruin 
upon himself, friends, and his poor family, as shall be 
shewed in a distinct chapter by itself: only let it be noted 
here, that one 2 of the gentlemen forementioned was so 
strongly bewitched with Mr. Williams's zeal, that, at the 
General Court, Sept. 1, 1635, he made a protestation in 
way of justification of a letter sent from Salem to the 
other churches against the magistrates and deputies, for 
some supposed injustice acted by them in determining 
the right of a piece of land, lying between Salem and 
Marblehead, contrary to the sentiments of Mr. Roger 
Williams and his friends at Salem : for this the said 
gentleman was committed ; but not standing too stiffly 
in his said protestation he was the same day discharged, 
upon the acknowledging his fault. 

One 3 of the elders of the town of Roxbury was, upon 
the like occasion, ready to run into the same error, in 
crying up the liberties of the people, and condemning 
the proceedings of the magistrates in yielding a peace to 
the Pequods in the year 1634, without the consent of 
the people. But he was easily taken off from his error, 
and became willing to lay the blame upon himself, that 
before he laid upon the magistrates, by a public explana- 
tion of his meaning, to prevent any from taking occasion 
thereby to murmur against authority, as it seems they 
were in those early days too ready so to do. There is 
no more certain sign of true wisdom, than for one to be 
as ready to see an error in himself as in another, which 
the wisest of men doth attest unto, when he tells us that 

1 Israel Stoughton. Sav. Win. i. 155, 159-60.— h. 

2 Endicott. Ibid. 164, 166.— h. 3 John Eliot. Ibid. 147-9, 151.— H. 


there is more hopes of a fool than of one wise in his own 
conceit. 1 But when Saturn hath too much influence upon 
men's natural tempers, Satan doth often take occasion 
thereby to mislead even good men to pernicious prac- 
tices. The smiting of the righteous becomes a precious 
balm to a David, to heal his error, which will become a 
corroding medicine to increase the wound of men of an- 
other alloy. 

But in the next place, to take notice of some other oc- 
casions of disturbance in the neighboring Plantations. 

About the 3d of May, 1634, news came to Boston of 
the death of some at Kennebeck, upon a quarrel about 
the liberty of trade in those parts, which accident caused 
no small trouble afterwards. The occasion of the quar- 
rel was this : the Plymouth men had a grant from the 
Grand Patentees of New England, for Kennebeck, and the 
liberty of sole trade there ; but at that time one Hocking 
came in a pinnace, belonging to the Lord Say and Lord 
Brooke at Pascataqua, to trade at Kennebeck. Two of 
the magistrates of Plymouth, being there at the same 
time, forbad him ; yet would he go up the river, and 
because he would not come down again, they sent three 
men in a canoe to cut his cables ; and having cut one of 
them, Hocking presented a piece and swore he would 
kill him 2 that went to cut the other. They bad him do 
[it] if he durst, and went on to cut it. The other was 
as good as his word, and killed him. Hereupon one in 
the Plymouth pinnace, that rode by them, (having five 
or six with him, whose guns were ready charged,) shot 
and killed Hocking. One 3 of the magistrates of Ply- 
mouth, Mr. John Alden by name, coming afterwards to 
Boston in the time of the General Court, 4 a kinsman of 
Hocking's making complaint of the fact, Mr. Alden was 
called and made to enter into bond not to depart the 
jurisdiction without leave ; and forthwith they wrote to 
Plymouth to certify them what was done, and to know 
whether they would do justice in the case, as belonging 
to their jurisdiction, and return a speedy answer. This 
was done, that notice might be taken that they disavowed 
the said action, which was much condemned of all 

1 Proverbs, xxvi. 12.— h. 3 Moses Talbot. Davis's Morton, p. 177.— h, 
3 The other was John Howland. Ibid.— h. 4 May 15th. — H. 


men, and which was feared would give occasion to the 
King to send a General Governor over thither, and 
besides, had brought them all, and the Gospel under a 
common reproach of cutting one another's throats for 

Soon after, 1 Mr. Bradford and Mr. Winslow, two of the 
magistrates of Plymouth, with Mr. Smith, their pastor, 
came to Boston to confer with the magistrates and min- 
isters there (viz. Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wilson) about the 
case, which was brought to these two points : 1. Whether 
their right of trade in that place were such as that they 
might hinder others from coming thither on the same 
account. 2. Whether, in point of conscience, they might 
so far stand upon their right as to take away or hazard 
any man's life in defence thereof. For the first, their 
right appeared to be good, for that, besides the King's 
Grant, they had taken up this place as vacuum domicilium, 
and so had continued, without any interruption of any of 
the natives, for divers years ; and also had, by their charge 
and providence, drawn down thither the greatest part of 
trade, by carrying Wampampeag, which none of the 
English had known the use of before. For the second, 
they alleged, that their servants did kill Hocking to save 
the rest of their men, whom he was ready to have shot. 
Yet they acknowledged that they held themselves under 
the guilt of the sixth commandment, in that they did hazard 
a man's life for such a cause, and did not rather wait to 
preserve their right by some other means ; adding, that 
they would be careful for the future not to do the like. 
The Governor (who at that time was Mr. Dudley) and 
Mr. Winthrop wrote into England *about it* to mediate 
their peace. And the Governor not long after received a 
letter from the Lord Say and Lord Brooke, that howso- 
ever they might have sent a man-of-war to beat down 
the house at Kennebeck for the death of Hocking, yet 
they thought better to take another course, and therefore 
desired that some of the magistrates of the Massachusetts 
might be joined with Captain Wiggin, their agent at Pas- 
cataqua, to see justice done. 2 About this time, sc. in 
the winter of the year 1633, an Englishman of Saco, 
travelling up into the woods to trade with the Indians, 

1 July 9th.— h. 2 See Bradford, in Hutchinson, ii. 418-19 ; Sav. 

Win. i. 131, 136-7, 139, 145-6.— h. 


traded away his life, being killed by them. 1 It is to be 
feared divers of these considered not our Savior's words, 
Matth. xvi. 26. "What shall it profit a man if he should 
gain the whole world, and lose his own soul ?" 

Not long after 2 Mr. Winthrop received a letter from 
the Earl of Warwick, wherein he congratulated the pros- 
perity of the Plantation, and encouraged their proceed- 
ings, and offered his help to further them therein. 

The foresaid letter was a good antidote against the 
pestilent infection which he received the next month, viz. 
August 4th, 1634, from his good friend Thomas Morton, 
and delivered by the hand of Mr. Jeffrey, an old planter, 
(though not an old disciple,) full of railing speeches and 
bitter invectives against the Plantation in general, and 
himself in particular, prophesying of a General Governor, 3 
which was never yet fulfilled. In the mean time, Mr. 
Winthrop, who was, though not the general, yet gen- 
erally the, Governor slept as quietly as ever before, and 
lived to see Morton a prisoner once again, though not 
of hope, but rather of despair, for he did see himself at 
liberty again from the bonds of imprisonment, yet not 
from the bonds of misery and extreme poverty, wherein 
he ended his wretched life, Anno 1644, or thereabouts. 4 

In the first creation of the world the Almighty was 
pleased to provide a goodly habitable world before the 
inhabitants for it were produced : so was his creating 
Providence observable in the people of this new Planta- 
tion ; for many new places were daily discovered, as per- 
sons were brought over to plant them. 

Thus, in the beginning of September, 1633, when the 
ship Griffin arrived here, of three hundred tons, fraught 
with two hundred passengers, (the principal of which were 
Mr. Haynes, Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Stone, 5 ) with 
divers other ships, (so as that sometimes a dozen or 
fourteen came into the harbor in one and the same 
month) some were by special Providence directed to 
travel an hundred miles westward into the country, as 
far as the River Connecticut, (that runs up into the coun- 
try, north and south, a great way,) by name John Old- 

1 This occurred in January, 1633-4.— h. 2 In July. Sav. Win. i. 137.— h. 

3 This imaginary personage was, for many years, the bugbear of the 
Mass. Colony. See pp. 226-30, 232-3, 273, 428 ; Sav. Win. i. 143-4, 
154, 161, 187, 264, 269, 281, ii. 12.— h. 

4 See pages 427-30.— h. 6 See pages 188-9.— h. 


ham, (afterwards killed by the Pequod Indians, 1 ) and 
Samuel Hall, who died lately about Maiden, in Essex, 
sc. about the year 1680, with two others, who, taking 
a view of the country, discovered many very desirable 
places upon the same river, fit to receive many hundred 

The Dutch from Manhatos had some knowledge of 
the place some years before, and had given some intima- 
tion to their neighbors of Plymouth, 2 by the name of 
the Fresh River ; but they were so wise as to keep it to 
themselves, till some of the inhabitants of the Massachu- 
setts had, by the forementioned occasion, made a fuller 
discovery thereof. And after their return, the next 
spring,* they so filled the minds of many new comers with 
hope of great advantage thereby, that they presently were 
upon the wing to take possession thereof; having now, 
as it were, compassed it in their minds, as they had by 
their travels before. On which account those of Ply- 
mouth had the less reason to lay blame to the Massa- 
chusetts for preventing them of their design and dis- 
covery, seeing it was the acquisition of their own labor 
and travel : for being not formerly taken up, though in 
part discovered, it became free for the use of them that 
first made the seizure. And, indeed, all the places on the 
sea coast being already preoccupied, there was no place 
left free, capable to receive so many hundred families 
in the year 1633, 1634, and 1635, if this River of Con- 
necticut had not been possessed immediately after their 
first discovery thereof. That very year when that dis- 
covery was made came over into New England several 
persons of note, amongst whom was Mr. Humphry, who, 
though he was formerly chosen Deputy Governor, came 
not over till the year 1634, 3 bringing along with him his 
noble consort, the Lady Susan, sister to the Earl of Lin- 
coln. He came with a rich blessing along with him, 
which made way for his joyful reception by all sorts, for 
he brought along with him sixteen heifers (at that time 
valuable at £20 per piece,) sent by a private friend to the 
Plantation; sc. by one Mr. Richard Andrews; to every 
of the ministers one, and the rest to the poor: and one 

1 See page 248. — h. 2 See Bradford, in Prince, pp. 434-6. — h. 

3 In July. Sav. Win. i. 134.— h. 


half of the increase of the ministers' part to he reserved 
for other ministers. ' Mr. Wilson's charity so abounded, 
that he gave not only the increase of his, but the princi- 
pal itself, to Mr. Cotton. By Mr. Humphry's means 
much money was procured for the good of the Planta- 
tion, and divers promised yearly pensions. But the gen- 
tleman had the same fate which many others before him 
have had the experience of, to sow that which others 
were afterwards to reap : for himself tarried not long 
enough in the country to enjoy the fruits of his own pious 
and charitable endeavors ; though others have raised 
goodly fabrics upon the foundation which was laid by 
him and others. 

Thus, as persons for their number and quality needed 
suitable places for their reception, so were there new 
discoveries daily made, both by sea and land, of com- 
modious places fit to entertain them ; and about the same 
time was a further discovery of Connecticut, pear the 
sea. For October the 2d of the same year, 1 the bark 
Blessing, (built by the Governor, Mr. Winthrop, at 
Mistick, July the 4th, 2 1631,) returned from the south- 
ward, having made a further discovery of that called 
Long Island, the eastermost end whereof lies over against 
the mouth of Connecticut River, which they entered into. 
It is near one hundred and fifty miles long; the east end 
ten leagues from the main, the west end about one mile. 
There they procured Wampampeag, both white and 
blue, (it being made by the Indians there,) which was 
improved by those of Plymouth in their trade with the 
Eastern Indians. It was a place capable of many Planta- 
tions, and since that time improved accordingly : sup- 
posed to have been at first granted to the Earl of Stir- K" 
ling, and received inhabitants partly from New Haven, 
and partly from Connecticut, eight or ten years after, 
and accordingly subject to their respective jurisdictions; 
though at the present the whole is taken to belong to his 
Highness the Duke of York's Patent about Manhatos or 
New York. The said bark had also been at the Dutch 
Plantation there upon Hudson's River. They were kindly 
entertained by the Dutch Governor, called Gaulter Van 
Twilly 3 ; to whom they shewed their commission, which 

1 I. e. 1633. — h. 2 This was the day on which the bark was launched. 
Sav. Win. i. 57. — h. 3 Wouter Van Twiller. — h. 


was to signify to them that the King of England had 
granted the River and Country of Connecticut to his own 
subjects, and therefore desired him to forbear building 
any more thereabouts. The Dutch Governor wrote 
back to the Governor of the Massachusetts, (his letter 
was very courteous and respectful, as if it had been to a 
very honorable person,) whereby he signified that the 
Lords the States had granted the same parts to the West 
Indies Company ; and therefore requested that they of j 
the Massachusetts would forbear to challenge the same 
till the matter were decided between the King of England 
and the said Lords. 

The bark passed and repassed over Nantucket Shoals, 
within three or four leagues of the islands, and found three 
fathom water at the least, though the breaches were very 
terrible on each side. But since that time there is dis- 
covered a channel betwixt the island and the main land, 
fit for smaller vessels to pass safely through at all times. 

Plymouth men soon after, or at this time, sent a bark 
up Connecticut River to erect a trading house there. 
When they came, they found the Dutch had built there, 
and forbad them to proceed. But they set up their 
house notwithstanding, about a mile above that of the 
Dutch. 1 A little higher up are falls in Connecticut River, 
that stop their passage any further upward, as there are 
in Hudson's River also ; else it were no difficult matter 
to trace them great rivers of Patomack in Virginia, Hud- 
son's among the Dutch, and Connecticut among the 
English, to their heads, which are conceived by some to 
come out of the Great Lakes to the westward, from which 
it is supposed the great trade of beaver to come, that the 
French and Dutch have been furnished with, whereby 
they have drained away all the profit from the English. 

But to let ||those|| things pass, and to return again to the 
Massachusetts. As the rumor of those discoveries was 
daily increased, so were men's desires enlarged to be 
possessed of them ; by which occasion were many agita- 
tions set on foot about the latter end of the year 1634, 
which were not quietly composed agiiin in many years 
after. For in the session of the General Court on 2 Sep- 
tember 4th of that year, the main business then agitated 

|| these || 
1 See page 170. — h. s In in the MS.— h. 


was about the removal of the inhabitants of New-Town, 
consisting of such as came along with Mr. Hooker, and 
several other persons of quality, who also had no small 
dependence on his ministry and abilities. They had 
leave the former Court 1 to seek out some place for en- 
largement or removal, with promise of having it con- 
firmed to them, if it were not prejudicial to some other 
Plantation. And now, having viewed several other 
places about the sea coast without satisfaction, they peti-^ 
tioned they might have leave to remove to Connecticut. 
This matter was debated divers days, and many reasons 
alleged pro and con. The principal and procatarctical 
was, want of accommodation where they were, they 
neither being able to maintain themselves, nor yet to re- 
ceive any more of their friends, together with the fruit- 
fulness and commodiousness of the country about Con- 
necticut, with the danger of having it possessed by 
others, whether Dutch, or of their own nation. But that 
which was the causa Ttgo^yovfievrj^ or impulsive cause, (as 
wise men deemed,) and themselves did not altogether con- 
ceal, was the strong bent of their spirits to remove out of 
the place where they were. Two such eminent stars, such 
as were Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, both of the first 
magnitude, though of differing influence, could not well 
continue in one and the same orb. Against these it was 
said, 1. That, in point of conscience, they ought not to 
depart from their friends, being knit together in one body, 
and bound by oath to seek the welfare of the whole. 

2. That, in point of civil policy, they ought not to 
give them leave to depart. 1. Because that they were, 
though all together, yet weak, and in danger to be 
assailed. 2. That the departure of Mr. Hooker would 
not only draw away many from them, but also divert 
many friends that might be willing to come unto them. 
3. That themselves that removed might be exposed to 
evident peril, both from the Dutch (who laid claim to the 
same river, and had already built a fort there) and from 
the Indians, and also from the State of England, who 
would not endure they should sit down without a Patent 
in any place which the King lays claim unto. 

||3. || They might be accommodated where they were, 
by enlargement from other towns, or by removal to some 

1 In Mav. Sav. Win. i. 132.— h. 


place within the Massachusetts, as about Merrimack 
River, &c. 

|| 4. |j It would be as the removing of a candlestick, 
which they looked upon as a great judgment, which 
ought to be avoided. 

The Court being divided upon these and other argu- j 
ments, it was put to the vote ; where amongst the deputies 
were found fifteen for their departure, (possibly such as [ 
hoped to have a part with them on the other side their | 
Jordan,) and six 1 against it. Amongst the magistrates, j 
the Governor with two Assistants were for it, but. the j 
Deputy, (Mr. Winthrop, 2 ) and all the rest were against it 
The Secretary 3 was neuter, and gave no vote. So as 
there was no record entered, because there were not six 
Assistants, (as the Patent required.) Upon this there 
grew a great difference between the Court of Magistrates 
and the deputies, who would not yield to the other, viz. 
the Assistants, a negative voice. On the other hand, the 
Deputy Governor and the rest of the Assistants, with the 
Governor, (considering how dangerous it might be to the 
civil state of the place, if they should not keep that strength 
to balance the greater number of the deputies,) thought 
it safe to stand upon it. So when they could proceed no 
further, the ^whole^ Court agreed to keep a day of hu- 
miliation to seek the Lord, which accordingly was done 
in all the congregations of the country, on the 18th of the 
instant September ; and on the 24th of the same, the 
Court met again. Before they began, Mr. Cotton preach- 
ed, (being desired by the whole Court, though it was 
kept at Mr. Hooker's town, upon his instant excuse of 
his unfitness for the occasion.) He took his text out of 
Hag. ii. 4. " Yet now be strong, O Zerubbabel, saith 
the Lord; and be strong, O Joshua, the son of Josedech,the 
high priest; and be strong, all ye people of the land, saith 
the Lord, and work : for I am with you, saith the Lord 
of Hosts." Out of which he laid down the nature, or 
strength, (as he termed it,) of the magistracy, ministry, 
and people : viz. the strength of the magistracy to be 
their authority, of the people to be their liberty, and of the 
ministry to be their purity, and shewed how all ^of^ these 
had a negative voice, and that yet the ultimate resolu- 

1 Ten, says Winthrop. — h. 2 An unaccountable mistake; Ludlow 

was Deputy Governor, having been chosen on May 14th. — h. 


tion, &c, ought to be in the whole body of the people ; 
with an answer to all objections, and a declaration of the 
people's duty and right to maintain their true liberty 
against any unjust violence, which gave great satisfac- 
tion to the company. And it pleased God so to assist him, 
and bless his own ordinance, that the affairs of the Court 
went on cheerfully. Although all were not satisfied about 
the negative voice to be left to the magistrates, yet no 
man at that time moved aught further about it, and 
the congregation of New-Town came and accepted freely 
of such enlargement as had freely 1 been offered to them 
from Boston and Watertown ; and so the fear of their 
removal to Connecticut was (at least for the present) 
removed. Mr. Cotton had such an insinuating and melt- 
ing way in his preaching, that he would usually carry his 
very adversary captive after the triumphant chariot of his 
rhetoric, and, as Solomon saith, the soft tongue breaketh 
the bone, which eminently appeared in this assembly, in 
that some men of place and gravity, having, in heat of 
argument, used unseemly expressions to some in power, 
and being reproved for the same in open Court, did 
gravely and humbly acknowledge their fault. 2 

The question about the negative voice being on this 
occasion first started, and for a time respited and laid 
asleep, we shall find afterwards awakened again, and as 
stiffly and earnestly bandied to and again, but not so 
easily charmed upon its after alaruming, till at last this 
matter came to be debated with the elders and deputies 
to further satisfaction, 1843> 

The inhabitants of New-Town were, on the foremen- 
tioned occasion, brought to a little moderation as to their 
present purpose of removing to Connecticut, but were 
soon after more restless in their desires than ever be- 
fore ; and could not be satisfied till they had at last ac- 
complished their design. Though some accidents inter- 
vened, that might justly have given a supersedeas to their 
intentions, till a more convenient season ; for about this 
time, or soon after, news was brought down to Boston of 
the treacherousness of the Indians in those parts, (which 
those of Connecticut soon after found to their sore 

1 Formerly, Winthrop ; "Hubbard read this word freely." Sav. Win. i, 
142. — h. 2 William Goodwin is the person referred to. Ibid. — h. 



affliction.) The Pequod Indians, situate near the mouth 
of the said river, having barbarously slain Captain Stone 1 
and his company, as he made up the river to trade with 
them, and being at the same time at war with their 
neighbors of Narhaganset, cunningly sent their mes- 
sengers to the Massachusetts 2 to desire their friendship, 
promising not only to deliver up any of the murtherers 
that could be found, (alleging that those who committed 
the said murther were either killed by the Dutch or dead 
of the small-pox, only for a pretext,) but also to yield 
up Connecticut, at least their interest in it, to the Eng- 
lish, and to give them much beaver, and four hundred 
fathom of Peag, (a considerable sum of their money,) 
to confirm their friendship with the English, proffering 
also free liberty of trade with them. 

The Narrhaganset Indians hearing thereof, sent three 
hundred of their men to waylay those messengers of the 
Pequods, as they were to return home, and came within 
a few miles of Boston for that end, so as they were hardly 
persuaded by the Governor and Council, then met at 
Boston, to forbear meddling with them. But all this 
was but in policy of the Pequods to gain time to defend 
themselves, or, at least, not to be engaged with too many 
enemies at the same time. For though they were treated 
with all manner of courtesy and respect by the English, 
and an agreement of peace made and signed by their 
Ambassadors, 3 yet did they as barbarously the next 
year, or not long after, murder John Oldham and his 
company, as he went securely amongst them for trade, 
as is more at large declared in another place ; and about 
the time when Connecticut began first to be planted by 
the English, in the years 1636 and 1637, they made 
open war with all the English, which tended much to the 
prejudice of those who, in the following year, 1635, did 
with irresistible resolution set upon the former design ot 
removing to Connecticut ; their own necessities at home, 
and the great fame of the place from abroad prompting 
^them^ thereunto, so as no discouragements did appear, but 
were easily superable by men so inspired. For at the first 
General Court that happened in the year 1635, 4 several 

1 See the particulars in Sav. Win. i. 122-3, 148, 193, 237 ; Davis's 
Morton, pp. 175-6.— h. 2 Nov. 6, 1634.— n. 

3 See Savage's Winthrop, i. 147-9. — h. 4 May 6th, at Newtown. — h. 


of Watertown and Roxbury obtained leave to remove 
whither they would, so as they continued under this 
government ; but Connecticut was their aim. The oc- 
casion of their desire, as well as of the others, was for 
that all the towns in the Bay began to be much straitened 
by their own nearness one to another, and their cattle 
being so much increased, together with the addition of 
many families, which every year came in great abun- 
dance flocking over thither. While the matter was thus 
in debate in the General Court, some of Watertown took 
the opportunity of seizing a brave piece of meadow, aimed 
at by those of New-Town, which, as was reported, 
proved a bone of contention between them, and had no 
small influence into the trouble that afterward happened 
in the Watertown Plantation, called Weathersfield, as 
shall be more particularly declared afterwards, when the 
affairs of Connecticut Colony are to be spoken to. 1 

In June 2 the same year, 1635, there arrived two Dutch 
ships, which brought divers Flanders mares, heifers, and 
sheep. They came from the Texel in five weeks and three 
days, and lost not one beast. The same day came in Mr. 
Graves in a ship 3 of three hundred tons, in the like space 
of time, with many passengers and much cattle : he had 
come every year, for seven years before. Within four 
days after 4 came in seven other ships, and one to Salem, 
and four more 5 soon after, on the like account. Besides 
these, four or five other great ships came that year, that 
arrived not till after September ; in some of which came 
many passengers, some of note, as Mr. Henry Vane and 
others. Mr. Harlakenden with Mr. Shepard, and many 
of his friends and hearers, came that year : also Mr. 
Winthrop, Jun., who, with Mr. H. Vane, had some power 
from the Lord Say, and the Lord Brook to begin a 
Plantation at Connecticut, who rather out of necessity 
than choice, (the most desirable places being taken up 
before hand,) settled their Plantation at the mouth of the 
said river. Mr. John Winthrop brought with him a 
Commission from the said Lords, with divers other great 
persons in England, to be Governor there. They sent 
also men and ammunition, with £2000 in money, to 
begin a fortification in that place. Mr. Vane had been 

1 See page 305.— h. 2 June 3d. Sav. Win. i. 161.— h. 

3 The James, from Southampton. Ibid. — h. 4 On Sunday, June 7th. 

Ibid. — h. 5 " To the mouth of the Bay." Ibid. — h. 


employed by his father, (Sir Henry Vane, Comptroller of 
the King's household,) while he was Ambassador for the 
King in foreign parts. He was a gentleman of- excellent 
parts, and religiously disposed : had he been well prin- 
cipled in the main points thereof, he might have been 
more beneficial to the country. His father was very 
averse to his coming this way, (as not favoring the religion 
of New England,) and would not have consented to his 
going thither, but that, acquainting the King with his son's 
disposition and desires, he commanded him to send him 
thither, and gave him license for three years stay there. 
This gentleman, having order from the said Lords and 
others, treated both with the magistrates of the Massa- 
chusetts, and those who were going to settle townships 
at Connecticut, 1 and brought things to this issue, that 
either the three towns going thither should give place, upon 
full satisfaction, or else that sufficient room might be 
found for the Lords and their companies in some other 
place ; otherwise they would divert their thoughts and 
preparations some other ways. But in conclusion, the 
first planters kept their possession, which gives the best 
title in things of that nature ; and possibly the Lords 
were given to understand, that if ever they should 
please to come over, their gleanings might prove better 
than the vintage of Abiezer. However, the foresaid 
gentlemen, agents for the Lords, being courteous and 
peaceably disposed, were not willing to give the in- 
habitants any further disturbance, but permitted them 
quietly to go on with the design of their Plantations. 
Yet Mr. Winthrop (appointed by the Lords to be their 
Governor 2 at Connecticut) sent a bark of thirty tons, 
with twenty men, and all needful provisions, to take 
possession of the mouth of the river, and begin some 
fortification there, the next month after he arrived at 
Boston; 3 which was a good providence for ||those|| that 
intended to plant there, for otherwise they would have 
found it much more difficult to have passed up the 
river, if the Indians had not been something awed with 
the noise of the fort there erected. 

|| these || 

1 See their proposals in Savage's Winthrop, i. 397-8. — h. 

2 See his Commission in Trumbull's History of Connecticut, (New Haven, 
1818,) i. 497.— h. 

3 He arrived in October, and sent the bark about Nov. 3d. — h. 


In the same year, likewise, Sir Richard Saltonstall 
sent over a bark of forty tons, to begin some Planta- 
tion up the River of Connecticut. 1 But not being there 
in person, it never arose to any considerable issue al- 
though his right to a considerable quantity of land there- 
abouts could not be denied. 

About four days after the bark was sent away for / 
Connecticut, arrived a vessel of twenty-five ton, sent 
by the Lords with one Gardiner, 2 an expert engineer, 
to carry on the fortification at the river's mouth, be- 
sides twelve other men, and two women. All her pas- 
sengers and goods, notwithstanding the tempestuous- 
ness and danger of the seas, were landed safe the 28th 
of November, the same year, 1635, through the good 
providence of God, so as by their addition the work of 
fortification at the river's mouth was both more speedily 
and effectually carried on. 

Plymouth men, understanding that those of the Mas- 
sachusetts had prevented them by so speedy posses- 
sion of Connecticut, sent first by letter, 3 then by their 
agent, Mr. Winslow, in September 1635, and in the 
spring 4 following, to complain of the injury done them 
in possessing the place, which they had formerly pur- 
chased of the Indians, and where they had erected an 
house. Their agent demanded either a sixteenth part 
of the land, or an £1C0 from the Dorchester men, that 
intended to plant at Windsor, where the said house was 
built. They not consenting thereunto, the treaty brake 
off; those of Plymouth expecting to have due recom- 
pense after by course of justice, seeing they could not 
by treaty, if they went on with their Plantation. But 
at. last they that were to plant, not willing to be inju- 
rious, agreed with them upon other more equal terms. 5 
The Dutch also sent home into Holland for commis- 
sion to deal with those of the Massachusetts, that were 
settling on the place, where they had taken possession. 
But upon after treaties, in the time of the Commission- 
ers of the United Colonies, they were prevailed withal 
to quit their claim to the whole river, and resigned it 
up to the English. In the meaji time the Massachu- 

1 See page 162. — h. 2 Lieut. Lion Gardiner. See Mass. Hist. Coll. \f 

xxiii. 136-7; Sparks's Am. Biog. xiii. 337.— h. 3 In August. Sav. Win. 
i. 166.— h. 4 Feb. 24, 1635-6. Ibid. 181.— h. 6 Trumbull, i. 66.— -h. 


setts men, taking hold of such opportunities as Provi- 
dence presented to them, began to spread themselves 
into many Plantations all over the country, so far as it 
was discovered fit for such purposes. And though they 
met with much opposition, both at home and abroad, yet 
they prevailed to effect their design at the last, taking 
notice of sundry special Providences that furthered them 
therein. For by letters from the Lord Say, received in 
June 1635, as well as by the report of sundry passengers, 
it was certified that ^Captain Mason and other* * adver- 
saries of the Colony of the Massachusetts were build- 
ing a great ship to bring over a General Governor, 
and to command upon the coast : but it miscarried in 
the launching, falling asunder in the midst; by which 
means their design fell to the ground. It was reported 
also, that they had a contrivance to divide the whole 
country of New England into twelve provinces: viz. 
between St. Croix in the east, and the Lord Balti- 
more's Province about Maryland in Virginia, as is 
mentioned in chap. xxxi. But though the lot was 
cast into the lap, the matter was otherwise disposed by 
the Lord. 

Some have taken special notice of the providence 
of God in the beginning of that, and the latter end 
of the former year, a concerning Captain John Winthrop, 
Jun. and Mr. Wilson, the pastor of Boston church, 
whose occasions calling them both to England, they 
took ship in a vessel bound for Barnstable, but were 
by foul weather driven upon the coast of Ireland, 
not known to any in the ship, and yet were brought 
safe into Galloway, where they parted company. Mr. 
Winthrop, passing through Ireland, was occasionally 
carried to the house of Sir John Clotwathy, 2 where he 
met accidentally with many considerable persons which 
came thither the next day to confer about their voyage 
to New England. In like manner Mr. Wilson, keep- 
ing in the ship, had opportunity to meet with many 
in that place, that desired to be informed about the 
state of New England. Many such like Providences 

1 Thus originally written ; subsequently a pen was drawn through these 
words, and the inserted. — h. 2 Clotworthy. Sav. Win. i. 172.— h. 


have been observed in carrying on the affairs of ||that|| 
Plantation of New England. 


Ecclesiastical affairs of the Massachusetts, during the first 
lustre of years after the transferring of the Patent and 
Government thither, from Anno 1631 to 1636. 

Whatever sinister apprehensions are, or were, ever 
taken up about the religion of the Colony of New 
England, they aimed only at the primitive pattern des- 
cribed in the Word of God, and practice of the Apos- 
tolical Churches. If they have missed of their aim they 
are not to §be§ blamed for levelling at the right mark, 
having a fairer opportunity thereunto than ever men had 
in many ages past. 

It must not be denied that they were the offspring 
of the old Nonconformists, who yet always walked in 
a distinct path from the rigid Separatists, nor did they 
ever disown the Church of England to be a true church, 
as retaining the essentials of faith and order. And 
although they could not persuade themselves to live 
contentedly under the wing of Episcopal government, 
yet their offence was rather at the ceremonies than the 
discipline and government thereof. But intending not 
to write an apology but an history of their practice, 
nothing shall here be interposed by way of defence of 
their way, only to give a clear discovery of the truth, 
as to matter of fact, both what it was at first and still 
continues to be. 

Those that came over soon after Mr. Endicot, ||' 2 namely|| 
Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton, Anno 1629, walked 
something in an untrodden path ; therefore it is the less 
to be wondered at, if they went but in and out, in some 
things complying too much, in some things too little, 
with those of the Separation, and it may be in some 
things not sufficiently attending to the order of the 
Gospel, as themselves thought they understood after- 
wards. For in the beginning of things they only ac- 
cepted of one another, according to some general pro- 

II the 1| || 2 viz. || 


fession of the doctrine of the Gospel, and the honest and 
good intentions they had one towards another, and so 
by some kind of covenant soon moulded themselves 
into a church in every Plantation, where they took up 
their abode, until Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker came 
over, which was in the year 1633, 1 who did clear up 
the order and method of church government, according 
as (hey apprehended was most consonant to the Word 
of God. And such was the authority they (especially 
Mr. Cotton) had in the hearts of the people, that what- 
ever he delivered in the pulpit was soon put into an 
Order of Court, if of a civil, or set up as a practice in the 
church, if of an ecclesiastical concernment. After that 
time the administration of all ecclesiastical matters was 
tied up more strictly than before to the rules of that 
which is since owned for the Congregational Way, as 
may be seen in a treatise published not long after by Mr. 
Cotton himself, in the name of the rest of the elders of 
the country, called the Way of the Churches in New 
England ; which, indeed, is as a middle way between that 
which is called Brownism, and the Presbyterial govern- 
ment, as it is practised in those places where either of 
the said governments is owned. As for the Brownists, 
or rigid Separatists, there were sundry companies of 
them in England in the end of Queen Elizabeth's, 
and the beginning of King James's reign; until, be- 
ing out of all hopes of liberty for their practice, under 
the shelter of their royal government, many of them 
removed into Holland. These do in effect put the 
chief, if not the whole, of the rule and government of the 
church into the hands of the people, and drown the elders' 
vote, (one or more,) in the major part of the brethren's ; 
being contented the elders should sit in the saddle, 
provided they might hold the bridle, as some have 
expressed it. On the other hand, in the Presbyterial 
Way, the sole power of government or rule is put into 
the hands of the Presbytery of each congregation, or 
into the hands of the common Presbytery of many con- 
gregations, combined together by mutual consent, so 
swallowing up the interests of the people in every single 

1 See page 169. — h. 


congregation in the major part of the Presbyters of the 
Classis or combination. But those of the Massachusetts 
kept the middle path between the foremen tioned ex- 
tremes, accounting the right disposal of church power to 
lie in a due and proportioned allotment and dispersion 
(as some of the Congregational Way have expressed it) 
into divers hands, according to the several concernments 
and interests that each rank in the church may have, 
rather than an entire and sole trust committed to any one 
man, (though never so able,) or any sort or kind of men, 
or officers, although diversified into never so many sub- 
ordinations under one another. And this middle way, 
thus delineated, principally by Mr. Cotton, is that wherein 
the churches of New England have walked ever since. 
The principal points wherein they differ from others may 
be reduced to these four heads. 

1. The subject matter of the visible church, saints 
by calling, such as have not only attained the knowledge 
of the principles of religion, and are free from gross and 
open scandal, but are willing, together with the profes- 
sion of their repentance and faith in Christ, to declare 
their subjection to him in his ordinances, which they ac- 
count ought to be done publicly before the Lord and 
his people, by an open profession of the doctrine of the 
Gospel and by a personal relation of their spiritual estate, 
expressive of the manner how they were brought to the 
knowledge of God by faith in Christ Jesus, and this is 
done either with their viva voce, or by a rehearsal thereof 
by the elders in public, before the Church Assembly, 
(they having before hand received private satisfaction,) 
the persons openly testifying their assent thereunto, pro- 
vided they do not scandalize their profession by an un- 
christian conversation ; in which case a profession is 
with them of small account. 

2. In the constitutive form of a particular visible 
church, which they account ought to be a astipula- 
tion, or mutual covenanting to walk together, in their 
Christian communion, according to the rules of the 
Gospel ; and this they say is best to be explicit al- 


though they do not deny bat an implicit covenant may 
suffice to the being of a true church. 

3. In the quantity or extensiveness of a particular 
church, concerning which they hold that no church so- 
ciety of Gospel institution ought to be of larger extent 
or greater number than may ordinarily meet together in 
one place, for the enjoyment of all the same numerical 
ordinances, and celebrating of all divine worship; nor 
ordinarily fewer than may conveniently carry on church 

4. That there is no jurisdiction to which such particu- 
lar churches are, or ought to be, subject, (be it placed 
in Classis or Synod,) by way of authoritative censure, nor 
any church power, extrinsical to the said churches, which 
they ought to have dependence upon any other sort of 
men for the exercise of. 

After this manner have their ecclesiastical affairs been 
carried on ever since the year 1633, when Mr. Cotton 
and Mr. Hooker first arrived there. But of these matters 
there may be occasion to make a fuller relation in the 
year 1647, when the Platform of Discipline was set forth 
by the elders and messengers of the churches assembled 
in the Synod at Cambridge, in the Massachusetts. 

Some have feared that in the beginning of times was 
occasioned much disadvantage to the government of the 
church by making it too popular ; and no less to the 
civil government, by too much contriving to advance 
the liberties of the people, which some others, that were 
not a little instrumental to promote both the one and the 
other at the first, would willingly have retrieved, when 
they, too late, discerned their error, but failed in their 
endeavoring a redress. 

And many yet think they hit upon the right joint in 
settling each government as they did. Possibly they 
might see, where others in the reformation of the church, 
since Calvin's time, had committed errors, and run 
into mistakes, and hoped to prevent it in their own. 
But it must always be considered that extremes on 
either hand are dangerous. They had need be very good 
artists, and go exactly to work, that lay the foundation of 


a building ; for a little error there may appear very 
great and formidable in the superstructure, if any thing 
be done out of square in the bottom, which at the first 
is not easily discerned. Such a constitution of govern- 
ment as doth sufficiently secure the liberties of the peo- 
ple from oppression is the safest ; for popular confusion 
hath, in all experience, been found as destructive to 
societies as tyrannical usurpation. Extremes are to be 
avoided ; but those that have lately felt the inconvenience 
of the one, are not so sensible of the danger of the other 
as oft times is to be wished they were. However, by 
this experience it is evident, that whatever advantage 
wise and good men have to shape for themselves the 
hest contrived government, it will be very difficult, if 
possible, to pitch upon such a constitution wherein all 
parties shall acquiesce ; which renders it the duty of all 
to rest satisfied in what Providence hath put them under, 
either by a willing compliance, or patient submission. 

Thus much being premised, to show what form of 
church discipline was aimed at by those that came over 
into the Massachusetts, Anno 1630, it will be expected 
that, in the next place, some account should be 
given of their particular proceedings in their church 

On 1 the 27th of August, 1630, the whole congrega- 
tion that belonged to Charlestown and Boston kept a 
solemn fast to seek the face of God, partly in refer- 
ence to the sickness and mortality, that many of the 
people were then visited withal, and partly also for di- 
rection and blessing in choosing officers for their church : 
and then they chose Mr. Wilson to be their teacher, 
and ordained him thereunto by imposition of hands, 
but with this protestation by all, that it was only a sign 
of election and confirmation, without any intention 
that the said Mr. Wilson should renounce his ministry 
he received in England. Mr. Increase Nowell was at 
the same time chosen to be the ruling elder of the 
same church : and one Mr. Gager and Mr. Aspinwall, 3 
were also chosen to be deacons thereof, who were likewise, 
by imposition of hands, invested in their several offices. 

1 Friday. — h. 2 For notices of William Aspinwall, see Sav. Win. 

32-3, and Young's Chronicles of Mass. pp. 382-3.— h. 


As for Mr. Gager, he continued not long enough in 
this world to purchase to himself a good degree, by 
using the office of a deacon well, being called ||hence|| on 
the 20th of September following, having yet left behind 
him a good report for soundness in the faith and purity 
of life and conversation; 1 and soon after Mr» Coleburn 3 
was ordained deacon in his room. 

But Mr. Nowell, in the year 1632, relinquished his 
ruling elder's office in the church, being satisfied upon a 
conference with the chief of Plymouth, (to whose 
opinion those of Boston did much adhere in their church 
matters, as those of Salem had done before,) that he 
could not conveniently or regularly hold the place of a 
ruler in the Church and Commonwealth, at one and the 
same time, and therefore betook himself wholly to a place 
of civil rule in the Commonwealth, where he was like- 
wise chosen || 2 Secretary. || . Nor could it be looked upon 
as compatible to the same person, to be employed at 
once in two offices of so momentous a nature, and of so 
differing a kind. 

It is said that Mr. Phillips of Watertown was, at the 
first, more acquainted with the way of church discipline, 
since owned by Congregational churches ; but being then 
without any to stand by him, (for wo to him that is 
alone,) he met with much opposition from some of the 
magistrates, till the time that Mr. Cotton came into the 
country, who, by his preaching and practice, did by de- 
grees mould all their church administrations into the 
very same form which Mr. Phillips labored to have intro- 
duced into the churches before. 

A church was gathered at Dorchester soon after the 
coming over of the Governor and Assistants, the scatter- 
ing inhabitants that had seated themselves there before, 
for conveniency of trade, being removed elsewhere, and 
left the place free for them that came with intent to plant 
the Gospel there ; and in the church of that place Mr. 
Wareham was ordained the pastor, and Mr. Maverick 
the teacher. Those places that could not then be sup- 

|| home || |j 2 senator || 

1 For information concerning this " right godly man," see Sav. Win. i. 
33-4, and Young, p. 317. — h. 

2 William Colburn, chosen in October. Sav. Win. i. 37 — h. 


plied with ministers were content to wait till some others 
fit for the employment were brought over to them. 

It is notwithstanding affirmed, that Mr. Maverick was 
a minister ordained to a company that came over with 
him, while he lived in the west of England ; which if it 
were so, there needed no ordination, or gathering of a 
church anew at Dorchester, as they did in the other 
towns. 1 

Those that took up their habitations on each side oi 
Charles River belonged all at the first to one congrega- 
tion, and having called Mr. Wilson to be their teacher, 
and Mr. Nowell to be their ruling elder, so continued 
till the end of October 1632; about which time those 
of Charlestown, by reason of the difficulty of passage in 
the winter, and having at that time an opportunity of 
choosing a pastor for themselves, viz. Mr. James, then 
lately come from England, were dismissed from the con- 
gregation of Boston, and so became a distinct church of 
themselves. 2 

In the following month of November, Mr. John Eliot, 
that came over into New England the former year, having 
joined himself to the congregation or church at Boston, 
was dismissed to the church of Roxbury to be their 
teacher, although he was earnestly desired by them of 
Boston, yet the importunity of the other and the inclina- 
tion of his own mind carried him thither. 3 

About the same time Richard Browne of Watertown 
was discharged from his office of a ruling elder there, 
because of the rash and violent spirit he was wont to be 
carried withal, upon all occasions, having been often ad- 
monished, but could not be brought to any amendment. 
He was a man of good understanding, and well versed in 
the discipline of the Separation, having been a ruler in 
one of their churches in London, where he was known 
to be very violent and passionate in his proceedings. One 
of the best things he deserved to be commended for, was 
his faithfulness and care of Doctor Ames and Mr. 
Robert Parker, safely conveying them (being himself 
one that kept a wherry) aboard their vessel at Graves- 

1 See Savage's Winthrop, i. 94-6. — h. 2 Prince, pp. 405-6. — H. 

3 See Prince, p. 408 ; and page 135. — h. 


end, when they were pursued by some that would will- 
ingly have shortened their journey. 

On the 22d of November, 1632, was kept a day of 
humiliation at Boston, when Mr. Wilson (formerly 
their teacher) was called to be their pastor, and one Mr. 
Oliver was chosen their ruling elder, and both ordained 
by the imposition of hands, first by the teacher and the 
two deacons, in the name of the congregation, on the 
elder, and then by the elder and the deacons upon the 

In the year 1632 1 Mr. Thomas Weld came over. He 
had been minister of Terling, in Essex, and accounted a 
zealous preacher of the w T ord. He had many invitations 
after he landed here, but at last was prevailed with by the 
importunity of Roxbury church, to accept of a pastor's 
office amongst them. 2 

In the year 1633, September 4, arrived Mr. Cotton 
and Mr. Hooker, in the Massachusetts. On the 17th of 
said September, Mr. Cotton, by the advice of the Gov- 
ernor and Council with the rest of the elders, was deter- 
mined to settle at Boston, and accordingly on the 17th a 
of October following he was solemnly ordained teacher 
of that church, by the imposition of the hands of the 
Presbytery, as was Mr. Leveret, an ancient professor 
of religion, of Mr. Cotton's congregation in England, 
ordained ruling elder of the same church, the congrega- 
tion testifying their consent by lifting up their hands. 
Mr. Wilson, pastor of the same church, demanded of 
him if he accepted of that call. He paused, and then 
spake to this effect : that howsoever he knew himself un- 
worthy and insufficient for that place, yet, having observed 
the passages of God's providence, (which he reckoned 
up in part,) in calling him to it, he could not but ac- 
cept it. Then the pastor and the two ruling elders 
laying their hands upon his head, the pastor prayed, and, 
speaking to him by his name, did thereby design him to 
the said office, in the name of the Holy Ghost, and did 
give him the charge of the congregation, and did thereby, 
(as by a sign from God,) endue him, at least prayed 
that he might be endued, with gifts fit for his office, and 

1 He sailed from London in the William and Francis, Mr. Thomas master, 
March 9th, and arrived at Boston, June 5th. Sav. Win. i. 77-8. — h. 
a Ibid. 82 ; Prince, pp. 395, 398-9.— h. 


largely did bless him. Then the neighbor ministers 
that were present did, (at the pastor's motion,) give 
him the right hand of fellowship, and the pastor did 
make a stipulation between him and the congregation. 
These circumstances and order of procedure are more 
particularly set down in this place, because ever since 
that time thej generally proceed after the same manner 
in the ordination of their minister in the Congregational 
churches of New England ; where there is not a Presby- 
tery preexisting, either some of the brethren ordain the 
person as is above described, which is approved of by 
the learned Dr. Hornbeck, Professor of Divinity in Hol- 
land, and a Presbyterian in his judgment, and engaged 
in the defence of that cause, or otherwise, where the con- 
gregation, over whom the person is to be ordained, 
make use of the elders of neighbor churches, by virtue of 
communion of churches. 

Much after the same manner, not long after, 1 w r as Mr. 
Hooker ordained pastor of the church at New-Town, 
which had all that time continued without a particular 
minister of their own, and Mr. Shepard, afterward, Feb. 
1, 1635, Mr. Hooker leaving the place, and removing 
with his church to Hartford, was ordained pastor over 
a company at New-Town that come over with him from 
about Earl Colne, in Essex, being at that time gathered 
or formed into a church state the same way. 2 

The ministers about Boston being now increased to a 
convenient number, (for Mr. Wareham and Mr. Mave- 
rick were, in the compass of the first year after their land- 
ing, settled the ministers of the church at Dorchester, 
the one pastor, the other teacher) did use to meet once a 
-fortnight at one of their houses in course, where some 
question of moment was debated. Mr. Skelton, pastor 
of Salem, and Mr. Williams, (as yet not ordained any 
officer there,) out of a rigid Separation jealousy took 
exception at it, prognosticating that it might in time 
bring forth a Presbytery, or superintendency to the pre- 
judice of the churches' liberties, (a spirit of Separation 
had, it seems, so early fly-blown their understandings,) 
from whom issued the fiery flying serpents, that were, not 

1 Oct. llth. Sav. Win. i. 115.— h. * Ibid. 179-80.-H. 


long after, so ready to annoy, and with bitter invectives 
sting, every magistrate and minister that did not ap- 
prove of their sentiments ; the venom of which spirit had 
soon after infected so many of that church and people of 
Salem, as will appear in the next chapter. But this fear 
was without cause ; nor did it spring from a godly 
jealousy, but from the bitter root of pride, that vaunteth 
itself above order, and against love and peace. No such 
spirit was ever observed to appear in Mr. Cotton's days, 
but a spirit of love and meekness, or since his time to 
the present year. 

Those that lived in those times could not but observe, 
on the contrary, how it pleased the Lord to give a special 
testimony of his presence in the church of Boston, after 
Mr. Cotton was called to office there. More were ob- 
served to be converted and added to that church than 
to all the rest of the churches in the country. 1 Divers 
profane and notorious evil persons came and confessed 
their sins, and were comfortably received into the 
bosom of the church. An eminent spirit of grace w 7 as 
poured into the lips of that famous preacher, and other 
eminent gifts did abound in private brethren of that 
church, which forwarded the edification and salvation of 
others. The Lord was pleased also greatly to bless the 
discipline of that church, wherein he gave the pastor, 
Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Leveret, a singular gift, to the 
great benefit of the whole congregation. Nevertheless, 
God was pleased to send or let loose, not long after, a 
messenger of Satan in that church, that they should not 
be exalted above measure, through the abundance of 
revelations. Satan desired to winnow the chief of the 
Apostles ; no wonder if he were as desirous so to deal 
with other ordinary ministers of the Gospel in succeeding 
ages, and their churches. 

On the 22d of December in the year following, viz. 
1634, Mr. Simmes was, on a solemn day of humiliation, 
likewise ordained teacher of the church of Charlestovvn. 
But within a while after, 2 upon one account or other, 
there did arise a spirit of jealousy between Mr. James, 
the pastor of that church, and some of the brethren, 

1 See Savage's Winthrop, i. 121. — h. 2 In 1636 —h. 


although Mr. Simmes was not condemned for being any 
blameable cause thereof, jet was it within a year after 
blown up into an open flame, so as they were constrained 
to call in the help of the elders and messengers of 
the next churches ; and it being the case of an elder, 
the neighbor churches, to whom they sent for advice, 
sent most elders, and but few other messengers. Upon 
hearing the whole case it appeared that the pastor (by 
his natural temper a melancholic man, and subject to 
jealousies') had been to blame for speaking as of certainty 
that which he only conceived out of jealousy ; and 
also that the rest had not been without all fault, in that 
they had not proceeded with him in a due order, for, of 
the two witnesses produced against him, one was the 
accuser. They advised, therefore, that, if they could not 
comfortably close again, the pastor and such as stood on 
his part, (if they would,) should desire dismission, which 
should be granted them, for avoiding extremities, which 
it seems they accepted of, and Mr. James soon after re- 
moved to the southward., and some years after returned 
back to England, where he was accepted as a faithful 
minister of the Gospel, and continued in that work till 
the year 1678, at Needham, in Suffolk, which was about 
the 86th year of his age, (though not of his ministry, as 
is said of Polycarpus,) and may yet be living, and waiting 
for his dissolution. 1 He went also to Virginia, with Mr. 
Thompson and Mr. Knowles, Anno 1642, as will be 
mentioned in the transactions of that lustre. 

About the same time happened another uncomfortable 
agitation at Lynn, viz. March 15, 1634, where the elders 
of every church were called together to put an end to a 
difference in that church. One Mr. Bachelor, that 
came into the country the summer before, 2 (in the 71st 
year of his age,) in the want of a minister was called to 
take upon him the ministerial office in that place. Not 
long after divers of the brethren, not liking the proceed- 
ings of the pastor, and withal questioning whether they 
were a church or not, did separate from church com- 
munion. The pastor and the other brethren desired the 

1 See Prince, pp. 413-14 ; Sav. Win. i. 94, 182.— h. 

2 With Welde and others. Sav. Win. i. 77-8.— h. 



advice and help of the rest of the churches, who, not 
thinking fit to judge of the case without hearing the 
other side, offered to meet at Lynn about it. Upon this 
the pastor required the separate brethren to deliver their 
grievances in writing, which they refusing to do, the 
pastor wrote to all the churches that for this cause they 
purposed to proceed against them, as persons exeom- 
municable ; and therefore desired them to stay their 
journey. This letter being read at the Lecture at Boston, 
(where all the ministers of every church generally used 
to be present,) they all agreed, with consent of their 
churches, to go presently to Lynn, (at that time called 
Sagust,) to stay this hasty proceeding. Accordingly, 
being met, and both parties, after much debate, being 
heard, it was determined that they w r ere a true church, 
though not constituted in due order ; yet after-consent 
and practice of church estate had supplied that defect ; 
and so all were reconciled at that time. 

Mr. John Maverick, teacher of the church of Dor- 
chester, died the 3d of February, 1635, about the 60th 
year of his age. He was a man of an humble spirit, and 
a faithful preacher of the Gospel, very ready to further 
the work of the Lord, both in the church, and in the 
civil state. 

About the year 1635 were churches gathered and 
ministers ordained in many places about the Bay, as at 
Bear Cove, called afterwards Hingham ; where Mr. Peter 
Hubbert, 1 that came out of Norfolk, in England, was 
called to be their pastor ; a man well qualified with 
ministerial abilities, though not so fully persuaded of the 
Congregational discipline as some others were. 

And at Westaugustus, since called Weymouth, one 
Mr. Hull was at first their minister, though afterwards 
he gave place to some other, which hath been the lot of 
several that have successively been the officers of that 
church, though men of worth and learning. At the first 
it is thought their proceedings were not so orderly as 
should have been, which was not the least occasion of 
their after troubles. 

The Plantation at Agawam 9 was, from the first year of 
its being raised to a township, so filled with inhabitants 

1 Hobart. — h. * See page 155. — h. 


that some of them presently swarmed out into another 
plaee, a little further eastward. The reverend and 
learned Mr. Parker was at first called to Ipswich, 1 to join 
with Mr. Ward ; but he choosing rather to accompany 
some of his countrymen that came out of Wiltshire in 
England, to that new place, than to be engaged with 
such as he had not been acquainted withall before, 
therefore removed with them thither, and ||called it|| 
Newberry ; which recess of theirs made room for others 
that soon after supplied their place. 

In the latter end of this year, 1635, Mr. Bachelor, 
pastor of the church at Lynn, (whereof mention was 
made before,) was complained of to the magistrates, and 
convened before them on this occasion. He came out of 
England with a small body of six or seven persons, who 
settled with him at Lynn, where he received many of 
the inhabitants of || 9 that|| place into his church, or, at least, 
they had with the rest received him as their pastor ; but 
contention growing between him and the greatest part 
of his church, he desired dismission for himself and his 
first members, which being granted, upon supposition 
that he w 7 ould leave the town, as he had given out he 
would, he, with the six or seven persons, renewed their 
old covenant, intending to raise another church in the 
place ; whereat the most and chief of the town being 
offended, (for that it w 7 ould cross their intentions of 
calling another minister,) complained to the magistrates, 
who, foreseeing the distraction which was like to come 
by this course, had forbid him to proceed in any such 
church way, until the cause were considered by the other 
ministers. But he refused to desist, whereupon they 
sent for him, and upon his delay, day after day, the mar- 
shal was sent to fetch him. Upon his appearance and 
submission, and promise to remove out of the town 
within three months, he was discharged. Accordingly 
he removed to the Plantation that then was new begun 
beyond Ipswich, called Newbery, where he stayed not 
long, in regard he could not accomplish his desire of 
being admitted to a pastoral office in the church of that 
place, waiting an opportunity of providing a suitable 

|| settled at || || 2 the|| 

1 In 1634.— H. 


place for himself and his company elsewhere, which at 
last was found at Hampton, a Plantation begun towards 
Pascataqua, about the year 1638. 

The next year 1 they of Lynn gathered another church, 
having invited Mr. Whiting to be their pastor, a man of 
great worth and learning, that not long before 2 came over 
from a parish 3 adjoining to Boston, in Lincolnshire. 
There was some difficulty in settling them in church 
order anew, in regard they had many of them formerly 
belonged to another church in Mr. Bachelor's time, ac- 
cording to the usual observation, that many times it is 
more easy to raise a new building than repair an old one, 
especially when the persons concerned either want ex- 
perience or skill in the kind of the architecture as was 
said to be the case there. But Anno 1637 Mr. Thomas 
Cobbet, that came over with Mr. Davenport, a was called 
also to Lynn, where he was ordained teacher of the same 
church whereof Mr. Whiting was the pastor. The 
learning and abilities of Mr. Cobbet are well known by 
his writings, since published to the world. 


Memorable accidents during this lustre of years. The 
small-pox among the Indians ; pestilential fever at 
Plymouth; with other occurrences worthy to be ob- 
served, from the year 1630 to 1636. 

In the year 1633 it pleased God to visit the Colony 
of Plymouth with a pestilential fever, whereof many 
died, upwards of twenty, men, women, and children, 
which was a great number out of a small company of 
inhabitants. Some of them looked upon a numerous 
company of strange flies in the spring, like bumblebees, 
(which coming out of the ground, with a terrible kind of 
humming noise, so as the woods did ring therewith) to be 
a presage of that mortality which followed very hot, in 
the months of June, July and August. 4 But in the end 
of that year and winter following a great mortality hap- 
pened among the Massachusetts Indians, whereby 
thousands of them were swept away, which came by the 

1 Nov. 8, 1636.— h. 2 He arrived in Boston, May 26, 1636,— h. 

3 Skirbeck. — h. 

4 Bradford, in Prince, pp. 432, 437 ; Davis's Morton, pp. 173-4. — h. 


small-pox, a disease which, [it] is said, is not usual among 
them, if ever it was there known before. John Saga- 
more and almost all his people died there at Winnesi- 
met. James Sagamore, at Lynn, died of the same 
disease, with most of his people. It is said that those 
two promised, if ever they recovered, to live with the 
English, and serve their God. 

It is very remarkable, that as about a dozen years be- 
fore the Southern Indians, about Plymouth, were visited 
with a kind of pestilential disease, whereby great num- 
bers of them were suddenly taken away, and the coun- 
try almost depopulated thereby, 1 by which occasion way 
was made for the English at Plymouth, in their weak 
condition, to settle peaceably amongst them, so at this 
time the country of the Massachusetts, that was of all 
the Indians thereabouts the most populous, was in a 
manner unpeopled by this disease, by which means 
room was, as it were, prepared for the English, that now 
were ready to people it with a new Colony. 

This contagious disease was so noisesome and terrible 
to these naked Indians, that they, in many places, left 
their dead unburied, as appeared by the multitude of the 
bones of dead carcases that were found up and down 
the countries, where had been the greatest numbers of 
them. Thus, in a sense as it was of old, God cast out 
the heathen to make room for his people, some parts of 
the country being thereby made to look like a mere 
Golgotha. 2 

In June, in the year 1633, 3 fell out a very remarkable 
accident upon some that belonged to Pemaquid. One 
Abraham Shurd, and one Captain Wright, w 7 ith others be- 
longing to that place, being bound for Boston in a shal- 
lop, intending to turn into Pascataqua by the way, but 
just as they were entering into the river's mouth one 
of the seamen, going to light a pipe of tobacco, set fire 
on a barrel of powder, which tore the boat in pieces, la- 
den with about <£200 worth of commodities, which were 
all lost. That seaman that kindled the fire was never 
seen more, (though the rest were all saved) till after- 

1 See Young's Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 183, 206, 229, 234, 258, 
259; Chronicles of Mass., pp. 256, 277.— h. 2 Ibid. 226, 305, 306, 

386; Davis's Morton, p. 175; Sav. Win. i. 115-16, 119-20, 123, 124.— h. 

3 Should be 1632. See Sav. Win. i. 79.— h. 


wards the trunk of his body was found with his hands 
and his feet torn off, which was a very remarkable judg- 
ment of God upon him ; for one of his fellows wished him 
to forbear taking tobacco till they came ashore, which 
was hard by, to whom he replied, that if the devil should 
carry him away quick, he would take one pipe. 

The like judgment befel two lewd persons that livec 
in service with one of Roxbury, 1 who, rowing in a boai 
from the Windmill Hill in Boston, struck upon an oystei 
bank near the channel, and going out of their boat, be- 
fore they had fastened her, to get oysters, the tide came 
in before they were aware, and floated away the boat 
and they, not being acquainted with the channel, were] 
both drowned on the bank, though they might at firs j 
lleasilyl] have waded through to the shore. One of then! 
being a little before reproved for some evil, and warnecj 
of hell, answered that if hell were ten times hotter, h< 
had rather be there than in service with his master 
against whom he had no exception, but only that he haej 
bound himself for some time, and understood after ware] 
that, if he were free, he might have had more wage 
elsewhere. This happened in August, 2 1633. 

Another accident of like nature fell out at Bostoi 
within three years after, viz. March 8, 1636, where 
manservant, having stolen something from his master 
was only threatened to be brought before authority, ye 
presently went and hanged himself like Judas, as if h 
had cause to fear a worse punishment for so small a 
offence. He was noted to be very profane upon a 
accounts, much given to cursing and sw r earing, and fre 
quently using to go from the sermon, on the Lordsdaji 
to steal from his master. He was said also to be ver 
much discontented, which, in probability, contributed no 
a little to his miserable end. The ground of his discoo 
tent was said to be the long time which he was to serv 
with his master, by whom he was well used ; and th 
very same day in which he destroyed himself a lette 
was to have been delivered him from his father, wit 
order to receive money wherewith to buy out his tim< 
He had tied his neck with a codline to a beam, froi 
which he might have reached the floor with his knee 

|| safely || 

1 " Servants to one Moodye." Sav. Win. i. 106. — h. 

2 Annr fith Thirl w 


A maid first espying him was so affrighted with the 
sight that, not daring to come near him to prevent the 
mischief, [she] ran to acquaint somebody else with it ; 
but his exit was past, and his life beyond recalling, before 
they came whom she went to call. Such examples, 
left upon record, may serve as buoys to give notice of 
the dangerous temptations that, like rocks which lie 
unseen, are found in discontented minds, on which they 
often shipwreck their souls forever, as well as lives. 

In December, 1633, one Cooper, 1 of Pascataqua, going 
to an island in the river there, to fetch sack with which 
he intended to make merry on the Lord's Day, was car- 
ried to sea, with his boy that went with him in his canoe, 
and were never heard of afterward. Thus they that 
wander from the path of understanding shall sooner or 
later, unless they return home by repentance, be found 
in the congregation of the dead. 

In June, 1635, two carpenters, going to wash them- 
selves between Mount ||Wollaston|| and Weymouth, 
were carried away with the tide and drowned. Those 
that want skill to swim in the w T ater should keep their 
footing sure on the firm land. 

August 12, 1634, one Craford, with his brother and 
a servant, (who all came into the country that summer,) 
having put much goods into a little boat which lay in 
Charles River, overset the same with the weight of some 
hogsheads, (as was supposed,) so as they were all three 
frowned, though one of them could swim well, and 
hough the neighbors also came running forth instantly 
ipon their cry, yet, as it fell out, not soon enough to save 
iny of them from drowning. 

This accident was followed with another as sad, on the 
20th of October following, at Salem, where six men, 
*oing together a fowling in a small canoe, toward Kettle 
sland, either with overmuch weight, or want of skill, 
urned her over into the sea, so as five of them were 

On the 21st of November, that year, two men 2 and 
wo boys going for wood to Noddle's Island, were 
rowned as they were coming home in the night, in a 

__ 11 Wallaston [| 

1 Cowper, says Winthrop. — h. 2 John Willis " and one Dorety." 

jav. Win. i. 150; Farmer's Genealogical Register. — h. 


Northeast storm of snow. Neither of them, it seems, had 
experience or skill, yet would adventure in that danger- 
ous time of the year, which might serve for a warning to 
all not to tempt God by undertaking what they have 
no ability to perform. There was great lamentation for 
them at Boston, yet needed they not sorrow for them as 
without hope, in that they were both accounted very 
religious. Two boats were sent after them when they 
were first missing, 1 but they could find neither men, nor 
boat, nor wood, it being ebbing water wherein they were 
supposed to be lost ; but three days after the boat was 
found at Muddy River, with the bottom upward. 

An old man that used to go to sea in a small boat, 
without any other help save a dog, whom he had taught 
to steer, sailing down Ipswich River, was warned of a 
storm that approached, but he answered that he would 
go to sea, though the devil were there. Whether the 
devil were there at sea or no, (the storm happening on 
the 15th of August, 1635,) it is no matter. This his 
vessel was never seen more by them on the land. 

In the year 1632 one Henry Wey, of Dorchester, 
having gone in a shallop to trade with the Eastern In- 
dians the winter before, and was long missing, this sum- 
mer it was found that himself 2 and his company were all 
treacherously killed by the Indians. Another shallop of 
his being sent out in the spring to seek after the other, 
was cast away at Agamenticus, and two of the men that 
were in her drowned. Thus ofttimes he that is greedy 
of gain troubles his own house; and, instead of gaining 
a little pelf of this world, loses his own life in the con- 
clusion, which hath been observed as very remarkable 
on many that have followed that course of life. 

In the year 1633, 3 one John Edy, a religious man of 
Watertown congregation, fell distracted, and getting out 
one evening, could not be heard of in eight days, at the 
end of which time he came again of himself. He kept 
his strength and color all that time, yet was conceived 
to have eaten nothing all that time. By that means, it 
was thought, he recovered his understanding, and lived 
very orderly, only now and then would be a little dis- 
tempered in his mind. 

1 Nov. 23d.— h. 2 A mistake ; Way lived until 1667. See Sav. 

Win. i. 79-80; Blake's Annals of Dorchester, (Bost. 1846) p. 24.— h. 

a -\/r u 


For a conclusion of the memorable accidents during 
this lustre, it will not be unworthy the reader's considera- 
tion to take notice of a sad tempest that happened in 
the year 1635, on the 15th of August ; when there was 
such a sudden dismal storm of wind and rain, as the 
like was never in this place known, in the memory of 
men, before or since ; so universal, which passed through 
the whole country, overturning sundry houses, uncover- 
ing divers others, beating down their Indian corn to the 
ground, which never rose any more, which if it had not 
been very near the harvest all the corn had been utterly 
lost, to the undoing of many poor families. Some 
thousands of trees were torn up by the roots thereby,, 
others broken in pieces, and wound about like vviths, 
though of considerable bigness. The monuments of 
which sad storm were many years after visible in some 
parts of the country ; nor were the effects of it less ter- 
rible on the sea, where it raised the tide to twenty feet 
in some places right up and down ; forcing some of the 
Indians to climb up the trees to save themselves from 
drowning, which others not being able to do, perished in 
the attempt; as befel eight Indians at Narrhaganset, as 
was credibly reported. And in other places it was ob- 
served that the tide was brought into the land twice in 
twelve hours, or else that it never ebbed all the time that 
storm lasted, (which was five or six hours,) or was 
brought back before the ebb was half made. 

Some ships were then upon the coast, fraught with 
passengers and their goods. The veering of the wind 
to another point was the occasion of preserving one, 
(wherein Mr. Richard Mather with his family, and Mr. 
Jonathan Mitchell, but a youth at that time, that proved 
a w 7 orthy minister, and of much use in the country 
afterwards,) and of dashing another on the rocks near 
Pemmaquid which was called the Angel Gabriel of Bris- 
tol ; but that holy seraphim proved not a tutelar Angel 
thereunto, although the passengers were all preserved 
i alive, losing only their goods. 1 Many things were ob- 
served as ominous about ||that|| vessel, || 2 which|| threat- 
ened some great disaster like to befal them, as well as 
the name, from the time of their first setting out. 

j| which || || 2 that || 

1 See Young's Chronicles of Mass., p. 478. — h. 


Another vessel 1 sailing that day between Pascataqua 
and Boston, bound to Marblehead, wherein were many 
passengers that came over in the foresaid ship, called the 
Angel Gabriel, was cast away, and but two 2 persons left 
alive to bring tidings to their friends of what had hap- 
pened. Amongst them that were lost was one Mr. 
Avery, a minister of good note, who, with his wife and 
five children, all perished together. This minister, it 
seems, with some others was cast upon some rocks, 
where they had a little respite from death, in which 
interim this good man, lifting up his eyes to Heaven, yet 
expecting every moment to be washed off from that 
place where he was cast into the devouring sea, uttered 
these his last words : " Lord, I cannot challenge a pre- 
servation of my life, but according to thy covenant I 
challenge Heaven ; " which words, as soon as ever he had 
expressed, the next wave gave him a present dismission 
into his eternal rest. This is the only vessel which was 
known to have been lost with many of its passengers, in 
their way towards New England ; which ought to be 
acknowledged as a signal mercy that none else, in so 
long a space of time, should miscarry in sea voyages of 
that length. 

The week before the forementioned storm, that hap- 
pened August 15th, came up, the wind was observed to 
blow all the while hard at South and Southwest ; and 
then on the sudden it came up with such extreme vio- 
lence at Northeast, that it drave many ships, in the har- 
bor before Boston and Charlestown, from their anchors. 
A ship called the Great Hope, of Ipswich, of four hun- 
dred ton, was driven aground on a point 3 beyond 
Charlestown, but, by a sudden change of the wind to the 
Northwest, it was brought back again from thence, and 
ran ashore at Charlestown. The ship before mentioned, 
that was preserved, was called the James of Bristol, hav- 
ing about one hundred passengers, \\many\\ 4 of whom, 
with Mr. Mather their minister, came out of Lancashire, 
(four of whose sons were ministers afterwards of emi- 
nent note and use.) Their preservation was very re- 
markable ; for being put into the Isles of Shoals, (which 

|| some II 

1 " A bark of Mr. Allerton's." Winthrop.— h. * Anthony Thacher 

and his wife.— h. 3 "Mr. Hoffe's Point." Winthrop.— h. 

» (:r\T\icif++ n vol • AAvfoi'nlir w\r\4- **\*v%n tt 


is no harbor, but an open road,) they lost their three 
anchors ; and setting sail, no canvass or ropes would 
hold, and so were driven within a cable's length of the 
rocks at Pascataqua, when the wind, coming suddenly to 
the Northwest, put them back to the Isles of Shoals, and 
being there ready to strike upon the rocks, they let out 
a piece of their mainsail, and by that means weathered 
those rocks, and so were brought safe into their desired 
harbor, leaving others behind them, and in the way 
they passed by, either buried in the rude waves of the 
swelling ocean, or mournfully beholding their shipwrecked 
goods floating in the waters ; much of which they were 
despoiled of by the boisterous seamen, no less unmerci- 
ful therein than the devouring waves of the sea, that, 
without regard to the tears or sighs of the poor owners, 
usually swallow down whatever comes in their way. On 
such accounts the people travelling into New England 
had occasion, more than others, to meditate on the 107th 
Psalm ; which, though it were not penned purposely for 
them, yet, in especial manner, is suited to their condition: 
" Oh that men would praise the Lord for his goodness, 
and for his wonderful works to the children of men ! " \ 

Much hurt was done in the country this year by tem- 
pestuous weather. Two shallops, going laden to Con- 
necticut, 2 were taken in the night with an easterly storm, 
and cast away near the mouth of Plymouth harbor, and 
the men all drowned. 

In the month of October, 3 the same year, a ship's long 
boat at the Dutch Plantation, with five men in her, was 
overset by a gust. The men all got upon her keel, and 
were driven to sea, and were there floating the space of 
four days, in which time three of them dropt off and 
were drowned. On the fifth day the fourth man, being 
sore pained with hunger and thirst, and sore bruised with 
the waves, wilfully fell off into the sea and was drowned. 
Soon after the wind, coming up at Southeast, carried 
the boat, with the fifth man, to Long Island, and being 
scarce able to creep ashore, was found by the Indians, 
and preserved by them. He was quite spent with hunger, 
cold, and watching, and must of necessity, (according to 

1 For farther particulars of this storm, see Sav. Win. i. 164-6; Davis's 
Morton, pp. 179-80; Young's Chronicles of Mass. pp. 473-80, 483-95, 
544.— h. 2 Oct. 6th.— h. 3 u This summer," says Winthrop.— h. 


reason,) have perished by that time ; but he said he saw 
such and such (either really or in conceit) come to give 
him meat. 

November 2d, 1632, Mr. William Peirse's ship, going 
back for England, was cast away on the shoals near 
Virginia, and twelve seamen and passengers drowned. 
It happened through negligence of one of the mates that 
had the watch, and kept not the lead going, as he was 
appointed, which added much to the sadness of the loss. 

April the 10th, 1633, news was brought to Boston of 
the loss of Mr. Peirse's ship, on the coast of Virginia, 
wherein were twenty-eight seamen, and ten passengers : 
seven of them that were drowned were seamen, and five 
of them passengers. This loss proved no small trial to 
this poor Plantation ; whereby it is evident that many 
are the afflictions of the righteous, and that in outward 
changes all things come alike to all. 1 

But not to stay the reader any longer in beholding the 
backside of the cloud that overshadowed New-England 
in this lustre ; there were other more beautiful Provi- 
dences worthy to be observed during that space of time, 
as full of light and comfort, as the other were of affliction 
and sorrow; especially in their peaceable and quiet enjoy- 
ment of the purity of God's worship, in all the ordinances 
of the Gospel, of which something hath been spoken in 
the foregoing chapters. 


Disturbance, both civil and ecclesiastical, in the Massa- 
chusetts, occasioned by Mr. Roger Williams, in the 
year 1634. 

February the 5th, 1630, arrived Mr. William Peirse 
at Nantasket ; with him came one Mr. Roger Wil- 
liams, of good account in England for a godly and zealous 
preacher, but after he came here he soon discovered 
himself. He had been some years employed in the 
ministry in England. He was one of whom it may be 
affirmed by all that knew him, that he had a zeal, and 

1 This account of Peirse's disaster is inserted, in the MS., immediately 
after the relation of Thacher's shipwreck, on page 200; but a marginal 
note, in Hubbard's autograph, informs us that "this should be placed last 
in this chapter." — h. 


great pity it was that it could not be added, according 
to knowledge ; for then, by the one and by the other, he 
might have been of great use in the church of God, 
wherever his lot had been cast. But for want of the 
latter, the more judicious sort of Christians, in Old and 
New England, looked upon him as a man of a very self- 
conceited, unquiet, turbulent, and uncharitable spirit. 
" For if he had not looked upon himself as one that had 
received a clearer illumination and apprehension of the 
state of Christ's Kingdom, and of the purity of church 
communion, than all Christendom besides, " as Mr. Cot- 
ton speaks of him, " he would never have taken upon him, 
as usually his manner was, to give public advertisement 
and admonition, to all men, whether of meaner or more 
public note and place, of the corruptions of religion, 
which himself observed both in their judgments and 
practices ; " of which there needs no other evidence than 
what is obvious to the view of every indifferent reader, 
in his dealing with that famous and reverend divine, 
Mr. John Cotton, in his book called the Bloody Tenent. 
But here to touch upon his proceedings only after his 
coming into New England — immediately after his arri- 
val he was called by the church of Salem to join with 
Mr. Skelton ; but the Governor and Council, being in- 
formed thereof, wrote to Mr. Endicot to desire they 
would forbear any further proceeding therein, till the said 
Council had conferred further about it ; first, because he 
had refused to join with the congregation of Boston, be- 
cause they would not make a public declaration of their 
repentance for holding communion with the churches of 
England,, while they lived there. 2dly, because he de- 
clared it his opinion that the civil magistrate might not 
punish any breach of the first table ; whereupon they, for 
i the present, forbore proceeding with him, 1 which occa- 
i sioned his being called to Plymouth, 2 where he lived about 
two years, was joined to their church, and was well 
accepted as an assistant in the ministry to Mr. Ralph 
Smith, then pastor of the church there ; but, by degrees, 
venting of divers of his own singular opinions, and seek- 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 52. GammelPs Life of Williams says that " he was 
settled as a minister of the church at Salem, April 12, 1631." — h. 

2 Probably Aug. 1631. Ibid. ; Sav. Win. i. 91.— h. 



ing to impose them upon others, he not finding such 
a concurrence as he expected, he desired his dismission 
to the church of Salem, which, though some were un- 
willing to, jet through the prudent counsel of Mr. 
Brewster, (the ruling elder there,) fearing that his con- 
tinuance amongst them might cause divisions, and 
there being able men in the Bay, they would better deal 
with him, than themselves could, and foreseeing also 
(what he professed he feared concerning Mr. Williams, 
and which afterwards came to pass,) that he would run 
the same course of rigid Separation and Anabaptistry 
which Mr. John Smith, the Sebaptist of Amsterdam, had 
done, the church of Plymouth consented to his dismission, 
and such as did adhere to him were also dismissed, and 
removed with him, 1 or not long after him, to Salem. 
He came to Salem in the time of Mr. Skelton's weak- 
ness, who lived not long 2 after Mr. Williams was come 
back from Plymouth ; whereupon, after some time, the 
church there was so affected with his ministry that 
forthwith they would have called him to office, not- 
withstanding they had been formerly blamed for the like 
attempt, without advising with the Council. But he, 
having in one year's time filled that place with principles 
of rigid Separation, and tending to Anabaptistry, the 
prudent magistrates of the Massachusetts jurisdiction 
sent again to the church of Salem, desiring them to for- 
bear calling him to office ; but they not hearkening to the 
advice, but ordained him to be their pastor, 3 it was a 
cause of much disturbance, for Mr. Williams had begun, 
and then (being in office) he proceeded more vigor- 
ously, to vent many dangerous opinions ; as amongst 
many others, these that follow were some ; for having 
obtained a great interest in the hearts and affections of 
all sorts of his hearers, by his great pretence to holiness, 
zeal, and purity, he had thereby strongly leavened the 
people of Salem with many strange notions, partly also 
confirming the people in some which they had imbibed 
from Mr. Skelton. 

1. As first that it was the duty of all the female sex 
to cover themselves with veils when they went abroad, 
especially when they appeared in the public assemblies ; 

1 Aug. 1633, says Gammell.— h. s He died Aug. 2, 1634.— h. 

3 Aug. 1634, says Gammell. — h. 


as if he meant to read them a lecture out of Tertullian, 
De velandis Virginibus, &c, for the uncouthness of the 
sight to see all the women in ||the|| congregation veiled, 
contrary to the custom of the English nation, would 
probably have drawn the eyes of the rest upon them, 
especially strangers, much more than if they had attired 
themselves after the fashion of their neighbors. But, 
in reference to this kind of fancy, it is observable, that 
the reverend Mr. Cotton, taking an occasion about this 
time to spend a Lordsday at Salem, in his exercise in 
the forenoon he, by his doctrine, so enlightened most of 
the women in the place, that it unveiled them, so as they 
appeared in the afternoon without their veils, being con- 
vinced that they need not put on veils on any such ac- 
count as the use of that covering is mentioned in the 
Scripture for ; viz. not as they were virgins, which the 
married sort could not pretend unto ; much less as 
harlots as Tamar ; nor yet on any such like account as is 
mentioned of Ruth in her widowhood — which discourse 
let in so much light into their understandings, that they, 
who before thought it a shame to be seen in the public 
without a veil, were ashamed ever after to be covered 
with themr. 1 

2. Another notion diffused by him occasioned more 
disturbance, for in his zeal for advancing the purity of 
reformation, and abolishing all badges of superstition, 
he inspired some persons of great interest in that place, 
that the cross in the King's colors ought to be taken 
away as a relic of antichristian superstition. What that 
good man would have done with the cross upon his 
coin, (if -he had any left,) that bore that sign of super- 
stition, is uncertain. But this notion about the King's 
colors prevailed with some so far, that it was taken out 
of the ensign at Salem by one in place ; but it was so 
distasteful to the rest of the Assistants or magistrates, 
who could see no superstition in the civil use of that 
badge, whatever were the occasion of the use thereof, 
but a great inconvenience that was like to follow upon 
the taking it away, as is more at large declared in the 
chapter before. 2 In this manner did over-heated zeal 
vent itself in the said Mr. Williams, of whom they were 

; othatn 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 125.— h. * See page 164.— h. 


wont to say in Essex, where he lived, that he was di- 
vinely mad ; as if his too much zeal, as Festus said of 
Paul's too much learning, had made him beside himself. 

3. Thirdly, also he maintained that it is not lawful 
for an unregenerate man to pray, nor to take an oath, 
and, in special, not the oath of fidelity to the civil gov- 
ernment ; nor was it lawful for a godly man to have any 
communion either in family prayer, or in an oath, with 
such as they judged unregenerate, and therefore he himself 
refused the oath of fidelity, and taught others so to do. 1 

4. And that it was not lawful so much as to hear the 
godly ministers of England, when any occasionally went 
thither ; and therefore he admonished any church mem- 
bers, that had so done, as for heinous sin. 2 Also he 
spake dangerous words against the Patent, which was 
the foundation of the government of the Massachusetts 
Colony. 3 

5. He affirmed, also, that || magistracy || had nothing to 
do with matters of the first table, but only the second, 4 
and that there should be a general and unlimited tolera- 
tion of all religions, and for any man to be punished for 
any matters of his conscience was persecution. 

6. And further, he procured the church of Salem's 
consent unto letters of admonition, which were written, 
and sent by him in their name, to the churches at Bos- 
ton, Charlestown, New-Town, (now Cambridge,) &c, 
accusing the magistrates, that were members of the 
respective churches, of sundry heinous offences, which he 
laid unto their charge ; and though divers of them, that 
joined with him in these letters, afterwards did acknow- 
ledge their error, and gave satisfaction, 5 yet Mr. Wil- 
liams himself, notwithstanding all the pains that was 
taken with him by Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, and many 
others, to bring him to a sight of his error and miscar- 
riages, and notwithstanding all the Court's gentle proceed- 
ings with him, he not only persisted, but grew more 
violent in his way, insomuch as he, staying at home in his 
own house, sent a letter, which was delivered and read 
in the public Church Assembly, the scope of which was 

|| magistrates || 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 157-8, 162.— h. s Ibid. 52-3.— h. 3 Ibid. 122, 

151.— h. * Ibid. 53, 162.— h. 6 Ibid. 164, 166-7, 170-1 ; page 212.— h. 


to give them notice, that if the church of Salem would 
not separate, not only from the churches of Old England, 
but the churches of New England too, he would sepa- 
rate from them. 1 The more prudent and sober part of 
the church being amazed at his way could not yield unto 
him ; whereupon he never came to the Church Assembly 
more, 3 professing separation from them as antichristian ; 
and not only so, but he withdrew all private religious 
communion from any that would hold communion 
with the church there ; insomuch as he would not 
pray nor give thanks at meals with his own wife, nor 
any of his family, because they went to the Church 
Assemblies. Divers of the weaker sort of church mem- 
bers, that had been thoroughly leavened with his opin- 
ions, (of which number were divers women,) that were 
zealous in their way, did by degrees fall off to him, in- 
somuch as he kept a meeting at his own house, unto 
which company did resort, both on the Sabbath day, 
and at other times in way of separation from, and oppo- 
sition to, the Church Assembly there, 3 which the magis- 
trates understanding, and seeing things grow more and 
more towards a general division and disturbance, after 
all other means used in vain they passed a sentence of 
banishment against him out of the Massachusetts Colony, 
as against a disturber of the peace, both of the church 
and Commonwealth. 4 After which Mr. Williams re- 
moved to the Narrhaganset country, and sat down there, 
in a place called Providence, out of the Massachusetts 
jurisdiction, and was followed by sundry of the mem- 
bers of the church of Salem, who did zealously adhere 
to him, and who cried out of the persecution that was 
against him. 5 Some others also resorted to him from 
other parts. They had not long been there together, 
but from rigid Separation they fell to Anabaptistry, re- 
nouncing the baptism which they had received in their 
infancy, and taking up another baptism, began a church 
in that way. But Mr. Williams stopped not there long, 
for after some time, he told the people that had followed 
him, and joined with him in a new baptism, either from 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 166, 170-1.— h. 

2 Conjectural ; the word is obliterated. — h. 3 See Sav. Win. i. 175-6. — H. 
4 Ibid. 167, 171, 175-6.— h. 5 Ibid. 256.— h. 


his own unstable mind, or from the suggestion of some 
other, that he was out of the way himself, and had mis- 
led them, for he did not find that there was any upon 
earth that could administer baptism, and therefore their 
last baptism was a nullity, as well as their first, and 
therefore they must lay down all, and wait for the 
coming of new Apostles. 1 And so they dissolved them- 
selves and turned Seekers, keeping that one principle, 
that every one should have liberty to worship God ac- 
cording to the light of their own consciences, but other- 
wise not owning any churches or ordinance of God any 
where upon earth, with other notions of like nature, 
which shall be more particularly related afterward. 

Thus much was thought meet to be inserted here con- 
cerning the great and lamentable apostasy of Mr. Wil- 
liams, that it may be a warning to all others to take heed 
of a gradual declining from God, and forsaking the 
churches of Christ, and ordinances of God in them, lest 
they be left of God, to run such a course as he hath 
done ; " wherefore let him th^t thinks he stands, take 
heed lest he fall," 1 Cor. x. 12 ; as also to be a motive 
to the saints, to remember him unto God in their fervent 
prayers for his return, he having been sometimes a zealous 
dispenser of the Word of God, and (in several respects) 
of an exemplary conversation, but now hath a long time 
sequestered himself to another kind of life and way. 

And yet, that there may be a standing evidence of the 
care that was had in those times, to prevent the growth 
of errors, and of the exercise of the communion of 
churches for that end, it is thought meet to mind the 
reader, that before the putting forth of the civil power 
of the magistrate for the removing of Mr. Williams 
from Salem, and besides other means also used, there 
was a public admonition sent in writing from the church 
of Boston to the church of Salem, for the reducing of 
Mr. Williams and the erring part of the church, which 
could no whit prevail with him to retract his erroneous 
principles, which made way for the sufferings which 
afterwards befel him. 

Under this cloud of darkness did this child of light 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 307.— h. 


walk, for above forty years after in New England, at 
which time he did a little recover himself in his zealous 
defending of the fundamental truths of the Christian 
religion against the Quakers, in a book 1 of his, published 
about the year 1677, wherein he shewed that his root 
had not gone up as rottenness, nor his blossom as dust, 
as might too truly be said of many of his neighbors, 
but that the root of the matter was in him all that long 
winter season of his departure from the communion of 
his Christian friends, and also by the fruits of good 
works that appeared in his life and conversation, espe- 
cially in his faithfulness to the English of the Massachu- 
setts, by whom he might have accounted he had been so 
severely handled. This might suffice concerning Mr. 
Williams, but forasmuch as sundry have judged hardly 
of New England, for their proceedings against him, by a 
sentence of banishment, it is thought needful, in this 
place, to give a more particular account thereof to the 

Two things there were that caused the sentence of his 
banishment, and two other fell in, that hastened it. 

Those that were the causes of it, were, as they are laid 
down by Mr. Cotton, in his answer to Mr. Williams's 
book, called the Bloody Tenent, 

" 1. His violent and tumultuous carriage against the 
Patent. 2 By the Patent it is, that we received allowance 
from the King to depart his Kingdom, and to carry our 
goods with us, without offence to his Officers, and with- 
out paying custom to himself. By the Patent certain 
selectment (as Magistrates and Freemen,) have power to 
make Laws, and the Magistrates to execute Justice, [and 
Judgment 3 ] amongst the People, according to such Laws. 
By the Patent we have power to erect such a Government 
of the Church, as is most agreeable to the Word, to the 
estate of the People, and to the gaining of Natives, (in 
God's time) first to Civility, and then to Christianity. To 
this authority, established by the Patent, Englishmen do 
readily 4 submit themselves : and foreign Plantations (the 
French, the Dutch, and Swedish,) do willingly transact 

1 " George Fox digg'd out of his Burrowes," sm. 4to. Bost. 1676. — h. 
* See page 206.— h. 3 Not in the MS.— h. 4 Generally in the MS.— h. 


their Negotiations with us, as with a Colony established 
by the Royal Authority of the State of England. This 
Patent Mr. Williams publicly and vehemently preached 
against, as containing matter of falsehood and injustice : 
falsehood in making the King the first Christian Prince 
who had discovered these parts, and injustice, in giving 
the Country to his English Subjects, which belonged 
to the Native Indians. This therefore he pressed upon 
the Magistrates and People to be humbled for, from time 
to time, in days of solemn Humiliation, and to return 
the Patent back again to the King. It was answered to 
him, first, that it was neither the King's intendment, nor 
the English Planters', to take possession of the Country 
by murther of the Natives, or by robbery ; but either to 
take possession of the void places of the Country by the 
Law of Nature, (for Vacuum Domicilium ceditoccupanti:) 
or if we took any Lands from the Natives, it was by way 
of purchase, and 1 free consent. A little before our coming 
God had, by pestilence, and 2 other contagious diseases, 
swept away many thousands of the Natives, who had 
inhabited the Bay of Massachusetts, for which the 
Patent was granted. Such few of them as survived 
were glad of the coming of the English, who might pre- 
serve them from the oppression of the Narrhagansets. For 
it is the manner of 3 the Natives, the stronger Nations 3 to 
oppress the weaker. This answer did not satisfy Mr. 
Williams, who pleaded, the Natives, though they did not, 
nor could subdue the Country, (but left it vacuum 
Domicilium,) yet they hunted all the Country over, and 
for the expedition of their hunting voyages, they burnt 
up all the underwoods in the Country, once or twice a 
year, and therefore as Noblemen *in England* possessed 
great Parks, and the King great Forests in England 
only for their game, and no man might lawfully invade 
their Propriety : so might the Natives challenge the like 
Propriety [of the Country 4 ] here. It was replied unto him, 
1. That the King and Noblemen in England, as 
they possessed greater Territories than other men, so they 
did greater service to Church and Commonwealth. 

1 Or in the MS.— h. 2 Or in the MS.— h. 3 The MS. reads, the 

stronger of the natives. — H. 4 Not in the MS. — h. 


2. [That 1 ] they employed their Parks and Forests, not 
for hunting only, but for Timber, and for the nourish- 
ment of tame beasts, as well as wild, and also for habita- 
tion to 2 sundry Tenants. 

3. That our Towns here did not disturb the huntings 
of the Natives, but did rather keep their Game fitter for 
their taking ; for they take their Deer by Traps, and 
not by Hounds. 

4. That if they complained of any straits we put 
upon them, 3 we gave satisfaction in some payments or 
other, to their content. 

5. We did not conceive that it is a just Title to so 
vast a Continent, to make no other improvement of mil- 
lions of Acres in it, but only to burn it up for pastime. 

But these Answers not satisfying him, this was still 
pressed by him as a National sin, to hold to the Patent, 
yea, and a National duty to renounce the Patent ; which 
to have done, had subverted the fundamental State and 
Government of the country. 

§2.§ The second offence which procured his Banish- 
ment, (as was touched before,) was this. The Magistrates 
and other members of the General Court, upon Intelli- 
gence of some Episcopal and malignant practices 4 against 
the country, they made an Order of Court to take trial of 
the fidelity of the People, (not by imposing upon them, 
but) by offering to them an Oath of Fidelity : that in case 
any should refuse to take it, they might not betrust them 
with place of Public charge and Command. This Oath, 
when it came abroad, he vehemently withstood it, and 
dissuaded sundry from it, partly because it was, as he 
said, Christ's Prerogative, to have his Office established 
by Oath : partly because an oath was a part of God's 
worship, and God's worship was not to be put upon 
carnal persons, as he conceived many of the People to 
be. So by his 5 Tenent, neither might Church-members, 
nor other godly men, take the Oath, because it was 
the establishment, not of Christ, but of mortal men in 
their office ; nor might men out of the Church take it, 
because, in his eye, they were but carnal. So the Court 

1 Not in the MS.— h. 2 Form the MS.— h. 3 Them upon in the MS.— h. 
4 Evil practices in the MS. — h. 5 This in the MS.— h. 



was forced 1 to desist from that proceeding: which practice 
of his was held to be the more dangerous, because it 
tended to unsettle all the Kingdoms and Commonwealths 
in Europe. These were (as I took it, saith Mr. Cotton,) 
the causes of his Banishment ; two other things 2 fell in 
upon these, that hastened the Sentence. The former fell 
out thus : the Magistrates discerning, by the former 
passages, the heady and turbulent spirit of Mr. Williams, 
both they and others advised the Church of Salem not 
to call him to office in their Church ; nevertheless, the 
major part of the Church made choice of him. Soon 
after, when the Church made suit to the Court for a parcel 
of Land adjoining to them, the Court delayed to grant 
their Request, (as hath been mentioned before,) because 
the Church had refused to hearken to the Magistrates and 
others, in forbearing the choice of Mr. Williams. Where- 
upon Mr. Williams took occasion to stir up the Church 
to join with him in writing Letters of Admonition unto all 
the Churches, whereof those Magistrates were members, 
to admonish them of their open transgression of the Rule of 
Justice. Which Letters, coming to the several Churches, 
provoked the Magistrates to take the more speedy 
course with so heady and violent a Spirit. But to pre- 
vent his sufferings, (if it might be,) it w r as moved by 
some of the Elders, that themselves might have liberty 
(according to the Rule of Christ) to deal with him, and 
with the Church also, in a Church-way. It might be, the 
Church might hear us 3 and he the Church ; which being 
consented to, some of our 4 Churches wrote to the Church 
of Salem, to present hefore them the offensive Spirit, and 
way of their Officer, (Mr. Williams) both in Judgment 
and practice. The Church finally began to hearken to 
us 3 and accordingly began to address themselves to the 
healing of his Spirit. Which he discerning, renounced 
communion with the Church of Salem, pretending they 
held communion with the Churches in the Bay, and the 
Churches in the Bay held communion with the Parish 
Churches in England, because they suffered their mem- 
bers to hear the word amongst them in England, as they 

1 Thus originally written, but afterwards altered to must have been 
forced. — h. 3 There in the MS. ; probably an error of the transcriber. — h. 
3 Them in the MS.— h. 4 The in the MS.— h. 


came over into their native Country. He then refusing 
to resort to the Public Assembly of the Church, soon after 
sundry began to resort to his Family, where he preached 
to them on the Lord's day. But this carriage of his, in 
renouncing the Church upon such an occasion, and with 
them, all the Churches in the Country, and the 1 spreading 
his Leaven to sundry that resorted to him ; *this* gave the 
Magistrates the more cause to observe the heady unruli- 
ness of his spirit, and the incorrigibleness thereof by 9 any 
Church-way, all the Churches in the Country being then 
renounced by him. And this was the other occasion 
which 3 hastened the Sentence of his Banishment upon the 
former Grounds. If upon these Grounds Mr. Williams 
be ready, (as he professeth,) not only to be bound, and 
banished, but also to die in New England; let him re- 
member (what he knows) Non pcena, sed causa facit 
Martyrem ; no Martyr of Christ did ever suffer for such 
a cause." 4 

Thus men of great parts and strong affections, for 
want of stability in their judgments to discern the truth 
in matters of controversy, like a vessel that carries too 
high a sail, are apt to overset in the stream, and ruin 
those that are embarked with them. 


The first planting of those parts of New England, on the 
east and west side of Pascataqua River, called the 
Province of Maine and New Hampshire, and the parts 
adjoining. Attempts for a new settlement of those lands 
by some of the Grand Council of New England, before 
they surrendered their Charter into the hands of the King. 

How great a sound soever is, or hath been, made about 
the Province of Maine, and the lands about Pascataqua 
River, comprehended in sundry Patents and Grants, that 
were long since said to be jointly and severally made 
to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason, the 
whole history thereof may be comprised in a few words, 
so far as anything may be found in either of them worthy 
to be communicated to posterity. 

1 In in the MS.— h. 2 In in the MS.— h. 3 That in the MS.— h. 

4 See Cotton's " Bloudy Tenent Washed," (sm. 4to. Lond. 1647,) Pt. 2, 
pp. 27-30.— h. 


The several vicissitudes and changes of government 
either of them have passed under are already touched 
upon in the second part of the Narrative of the troubles 
with the Indians in New England, printed at Boston in 
the year 1677. At present, therefore, only to insist upon 
what is most memorable about the first planting thereof, 
after it came first to be discovered by Captain Smith, and 
some others employed on that design, about the year 
1614 and 1615. 

Some merchants and other gentlemen in the west of 
England, belonging to the cities of Exeter, Bristol, [and] 
Shrewsbury, and towns of Plymouth, Dorchester, &c, 
incited no doubt by the fame of the Plantation begun at 
New Plymouth in the year 1620, having obtained Pa- 
tents for several parts of the country of New England, 
from the Grand Council established at Plymouth, (into 
whose hands that whole country was committed) made 
some attempt of beginning a Plantation in some place 
about Pascataqua River, about the year 1623. For being 
encouraged by the report of divers mariners that came 
to make fishing voyages upon that coast, as well as by 
the aforementioned occasion, they sent over that year", 
one Mr. David Thompson, 1 with Mr. Edward Hilton, 
and his brother, Mr. William Hilton, who had been fish- 
mongers in London, with some others, that came along 
with them, furnished with necessaries for carrying on a 
Plantation there. Possibly others might be sent after 
them in the years following, 1624 and 1625; some of 
whom first, in probability, seized on a place called the 
Little Harbor, on the west side of Pascataqua River, to- 
ward, or at, the mouth thereof; the Hiltons, in the mean 
while, setting up their stages higher up the river, toward 
the northwest, at or about a place since called Dover. 
But at that place called the Little Harbor, it is supposed, 
w r as the first house set up, that ever was built in 
those parts ; the chimney, and some part of the stone 
wall, is standing at this day, and certainly was it, which 
was called then, or soon after, Mason Hall, because to it 
was annexed three or four thousand acres of land, with 

1 " David Thomson, Gentleman." Robert Gorges's Patent.— eu 


intention to erect a Manor, or Lordship there, according 
to the custom of England ; for by consent of the rest of 
the undertakers, in some after division, that parcel of 
land fell to his share ; and it is mentioned as his propriety, 
in his last will and testament, by the name of Mason 
Hall. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason 
might have a principal hand in carrying on that design, 
but were not the sole proprietors therein ; there being 
several other gentlemen, that were concerned therein, and 
till after the year 1631 there seems to have been not 
many other buildings considerable erected in any other 
place about Pascataqua River ; all which is evident by an 
Indenture, yet extant in the hands of some gentlemen 
now living at Portsmouth, a town seated down near the 
mouth of the said river, wherein are these words : 

" This Indenture, made the 3d of November, 1631, 
between the President and Council of New England on 
the one part, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Captain John 
Mason, John Cotton, Henry Gardner, George Griffith, 
Edwin Guy, 1 Thomas Wannerton, 2 Thomas Eyre,fand 
Eliazer Eyre, on the other part, witnesseth," &c. After 
which is added, " forasmuch as the forementioned have, 
by their agents there, taken great pains and spent much 
time in discovery of the country, all which hath cost 
them, (as we are credibly informed,) three thousand 
pounds and upwards, which hitherunto they are wholly 
out of purse for, upon hope of doing good for time to come 
to the public, and for other sufficient causes and con- 
siderations the said President and Council especially 
moving, have given, granted, bargained, sold, enfeoffed, 
and confirmed to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and the rest, 
an house with all the privileges thereunto belonging, 
wherein Captain Neal and the Colony with him do, or late- 
ly did, reside." Among other things there is also added 
"salt-works, lying and being situate near the harbor of 
Pascataqua, with all the lands adjoining, that run along 
five miles westward by the sea-coast, and so to cross 
over in an angle of three miles breadth towards a Planta- 
tion in the hands of Edward Hilton, supposed to be 

1 In Belknap's History of New Hampshire, (Farmer's ed.) p. 10, and 
in Adams's Portsmouth, p. 17, this name is Gay. — h. 

2 See pages 484-5. — h. 



about Dover, and so towards Exeter." And for this 
Grant, by way of acknowledgment, or something of like 
nature, as is expressed in the Indenture, they were to pay 
£48 per annum to the President and Council of New 
England, if demanded. In the same Indenture it is added, 
that they gave power to Captain Cammocke and Mr. 
Josselin, as their attornies, to put them into possession 
thereof, which was surely to be understood by way of 
anticipation, for it is known, that Captain Cammocke, 
(who is said to be related to the Earl of Warwick,) and 
Mr. Josselin were in England, at the time when this 
Indenture was dated, and neither of them came to New 
England till about the year 1633. 1 This Indenture of 
November 3d, 1631, hath no other subscription in the 
bottom of it, but this, 

" Haec copia debite examinata verbatim inventa est 
concordare cum originali. Per me notarium infra testa- 
tum, sacra regia authoritate admissum atque juratum, 
Londini commorantem, hoc 11 die Januarii, 1631. 

Tho : de Wache, Notar. Publ." 

This Indenture, though without any hand or seal 
annexed, seems to be of as much force as other instru- 
ments of like nature, produced on such like accounts, at 
the present time. And whereas there is mention in this 
Indenture of Captain Neal, and the Colony with him, there 
residing in the said house, it must be understood, that 
the agents of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain Mason, 
with the rest, had by their order built an house, and 
done something also about salt-works, sometime before 
the year 1630; in which year Captain Neal, with three 
other gentlemen, came over to Pascataqua, in the bark 
Warwick. 2 He was said to be sent as Governor for Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges and the rest, and to superintend 
their affairs there. Another occasion of their sending 
over, was said to be searching, or making a more full 
discovery of, an imaginary Province, supposed to lie up 
higher into the country, called Laconia. But after three 
years spent in labor and travel for that end, or other 
fruitless endeavors, and expense of too much estate, 

1 Cammock was here in JL632. See Sav. Win. i. 90. — H. 
* Ibid. 7, 38.-H. 


they returned back to England with a " non est inventa 
Provincial Nor is there anything memorable recorded 
as done by him, or his company, during the time of his 
three years' stay, unless it were a contest between him and 
Captain Wiggans, 1 employed, in like manner, to begin a 
Plantation higher up the river, for some of Shrewsbury, 
who being forbidden by him, the said Neal, to come upon 
a point of land, that lieth in the midway betwixt Dover 
and Exeter, Captain Wiggan intended to have defended 
his right by the sword, but it seems both the litigants 
had so much wit in their anger as to wave the battle, 
each accounting himself to have done very manfully in 
what was threatened ; so as in respect, not of what did, 
but what might have fallen out, the place to this day 
retains the formidable name of Bloody Point. 

But because the Plantations of New England were all 
raised upon the Grand Charter of New England, given 
to the Council of Plymouth, as the foundation of them, 
the reader may take notice of the form of the said 
Charter, as it is expressed in what follows, with the 
names of all those honorable persons to whom it was first 

The Charter granted to the Grand Council, estab- 
lished at Plymouth, (of which there is often mention in 
this history) was put into the hands of the " Duke of 
Lenox, Marquis Buckingham, Marquis Hamilton, Earl of 
Pembroke, Earl of Arundel, Earl of Bath, Earl of South 
Hampton, Earl of Salisbury, Earl of Warwick, Vis- 
count Haddington, Lord Zouche, Lord Sheffield, Lord 
Gorges, Sir Edward Seymour, Sir Robert Mansell, Sir 
Edward Zouche, Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir Thomas Roe, 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Francis Popham, Sir John 
Brooks, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Richard Hawkins, Sir 
Richard Edgecombe, Sir Allen Apsley, Sir Warwick 
Heal, Sir Richard Catchmay, Sir John Bourchier, Sir 
Nathaniel Rich, Sir Edward Giles, Sir Giles Mompesson, 
Sir Thomas Wroth, Knights; — Matthew Sutcliffe, 
Robert Heath, Henry Bourchier, John Drake, Rawley 
Gilbert, George Chudley, Thomas Hammond, and John 

1 In 1631, says Adams's Portsmouth.— H. 


Argall, Esqrs., and their Successors, one Bodycorporate and 
politic, in Deed and Name, by the [Name of the] Council 
established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, for the 
planting, ruling and governing of New England in Amer- 
ica. We do by these Presents, for Us, our Heirs, [and] 
Successors, really and fully incorporate, erect, ordain, 
name, constitute, and establish, and that by the same Name 
of the said Council, they and their Successors forever 
hereafter be incorporated, named, and called, and shall by 
the same Name have perpetual Succession. And further, 
We do hereby for Us, our Heirs and Successors, grant 
unto the said Council established at Plymouth, that they 
and their Successors, by the same Name, be and shall be, 
and shall continue, Persons able [and capable] in the Law 
from time to time," etc. " And our Will and Pleasure is, 
that the said forty persons, or the greater Number of them, 
shall and 1 may, from time to time, and at any time 2 here- 
after, at their own Will and Pleasure, according to the 
Laws, Ordinances, and Orders of or by them, or by the 
greater Part of them, hereafter, in Manner and form in 
these Presents mentioned, to be agreed upon, to elect and 
choose amongst themselves one of the said forty Persons 
for the Time being,, to be President of the §said^ Council, 
which President, so elected and chosen, We will shall 
continue and be President of the said Council for so long 
[a] Time as by the Orders of the said Council, from time 
to time to be made, as hereafter is mentioned, shall be 
thought fit, and no longer ; unto which President, or in 
his absence to any such Person as by the Order of the 
said Council shall be thereunto appointed, We do give 
authority to give Order for the warning of the said Coun- 
cil, and summoning the Company to their Meeting. And 
our Will and Pleasure is, that from time to time, when 
and so often as any of the Council shall happen to 
decease, or to be removed from being of the said Coun- 
cil, that then, and so often, the Survivors of them the 
said Council, and no other, or the greater Number of 
them, who then shall be from time to time left re- 
maining, and who shall or the greater Number of 

1 Or in the MS.— h. s All times in the MS.— h. 


which, that shall be assembled at a public Court or 
Meeting to be held for the said Company, shall elect and 
choose one or more other Person or Persons to be of the 
said Council, and which from time to time shall be 1 of the 
said Council, so that the Number of forty Persons of the 
said Council may from time to time be supplied," &c* 

This was rightly called the Grand Charter of New 
England, for it was the substratum or ground-work 
of all the following Charters, or Grants, that were 
given out to all sorts of persons, that were willing to ad- 
venture either their persons or estates, to plant or people 
that new country. And the first Plantation about Pascat- 
aqua was begun in that order, as is last mentioned ; and 
those that were most active therein had continual re- 
course to the persons that were invested with the power 
of that Charter, to revive and influence their hopes ; for 
some of them obtained six or seven several grants of land 
between Merrimack River and Kennebeck, although, as 
some may be ready to think, every subsequent grant 
made the precedent all void. But notwithstanding the 
variety of these pretended grants, the planting of that 
side of the country went but slowly on, during the first 
seven years: for in the year 1631, when Edward Col- 
cot first came thither, (who was afterwards, for want of a 
better, for some years together chosen Governor of the 
Plantations about Dover) there were but three houses (as 
he affirmed) in all that side of the country adjoining unto 
Pascataqua River, nor is it said that any were built by 
Captain Neal ; but after his return home for England, Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, Captain Mason, and the rest of the ad- 
venturers, sent over other agents and supplies, for carry- 
ing on their designs. One Mr. Williams was sent over 
about that time, to take care of the salt-works that were 
there begun ; and other artificers, the chiefest of whom 
i was one Chadbourne, 2 that built the Great House (as it 
used to be called) at Strawberry Bank, with several 
others, both planters and traders. This Williams being 
a prudent man, and of better quality than the rest, was 
chosen to be their Governor, when, after Captain Neal's 

* See this Charter at length, Hazard i. 103-118.— Ed. 

1 Shall be from time to time in the MS. — h. 

3 Humphrey Chadbourne. Farmer's Belknap, p. 10. — h, 


going away, they entered into a combination for the better 
enabling them to live orderly one by another ; for he 
it was who was Governor in the year 1638, when the 
troubles happened at Dover between Mr. Larkham and 
Mr. Knollis j 1 unless he were put into that place by the 
President and Council of Plymouth, of which nothing is 
said by any of the inhabitants now left ; and the rest of the 
Plantations did, not long after, enter into a combination 
among themselves higher up the river, at Dover and 
Exeter, which makes it more than probable that those 
did so, who were planted down lower towards the mouth 
thereof. For in the year 1640, May 25th, it is recorded 
how " the inhabitants of Strawberry Bank (since called 
Portsmouth) having, of their free and voluntary minds 
and good will, given and granted several sums of money 
for the building and founding of a Parsonage-house, with 
a Chapel thereunto united, did grant fifty acres of land to 
be annexed thereunto, as a Glebe-land belonging to the 
said Parsonage ; and all was put into the hands of two 
men, viz. Thomas Walford and Henry Sherburne, as 
Church-wardens, to them and their successors, to be 
chosen yearly, as feoffees in trust, and to whom were to 
be joined the Governor and Assistants for the year being; 
and after their dissolution by the King, two of the ablest 
of the parish were to be chosen, to order and manage 
the said Parsonage." This was subscribed by 

and eighteen as inhabitants.* 

This Williams did, soon after this, remove out of the 
country into the Barbadoes, where he died ; and Wan- 
nerton was employed also as Deputy or Assistant under 
"Williams ; who had been a soldier, and better acquainted 
with using the sword of war than the sword of justice, 
and accordingly perished by the same sword, as may be 
mentioned in the year 1644. He kept Pascataqua men 
under awe divers years. 

During these transactions at Strawberry Bank, towards 
the mouth of the river, Captain Wiggans carried on a dis- 
tinct interest above, in the higher part of the river, in 

1 These difficulties are placed, by Belknap and Adams, in the year 1640, 
and by Winthrop, " about" April 1641. See page 362. — h. 


behalf of the Shrewsbury men, and others. For having 
begun a Plantation in that place upon their account in 
the year 1631, he went back for England the next year, 
and soon after returned again, 1 with more ample power, 
and means to promote what was in hand. The Bristol 
men had in the mean time sold their interest (which was 
two-thirds) in the said Plantation to the Lord Say, the 
Lord Brook, one Mr. Willis, and Mr. Whiting, 2 who 
likewise employed Captain Wiggans to act in their behalf, 
for the space of seven years next following ; the Shrews- 
bury men still retaining their own share. After the time 
was expired, the advance not being much, the whole was 
prized but at c£6G0. and sold at that lay to Captain 
Wiggans ; which he paid at a very easy rate, as some of 
his neighbors have -used to say. 

Those that first enterprized this design intended re- 
ligion as well as civil advantage thereby, and therefore 
did they send over with Captain Wiggans, Anno 1 633, one 
Mr. Leveridge, 1 an able and worthy minister, with pro- 
mise of considerable allowance for his better subsistence ; 
but the encouragement proving too small for his main- 
tenance, he removed more southward, towards Plymouth 
or Long Island. 3 And in his room succeeded one Mr. 
Burdet, a person of better knowledge and learning than 
other abilities fit. for that sacred function. For not long 
after he came thither, by the assistance and help of some 
that entertained a better opinion of him than ever he de- 
served, he invaded the civil government, and thrusting 
out Captain Wiggans, placed there by the Lord Say and 
others, he became the Governor of the place, but was 
himself also not long after forced to remove, by reason of 
sundry miscarriages he was charged with, of which there 
i may be occasion to speak more elsewhere. 4 

In the interim of these affairs several persons of good 
estates, and some account for religion, were, by the 
interest of the Lords and other gentlemen, induced to 
transplant themselves thither, so many as sufficed to 
make a considerable township ; and following the exam- 
ple of the Plantations about the Massachusetts, they soon 

1 He arrived at Salem, Oct. 10, 163S, in the James. See Sav. Win. i. 
115. — h. 2 George Willys and William Whiting. Farmer's Belknap, 

p. 17.— h, 3 Ibid., p. 18.— h. 4 Pages 263, 353, 361.— h. 


after, sc. about the year 1638, attempted to gather them- 
selves into a church estate, and had officers ordained 
over them for that end. But for want of discretion, if 
not of something else, in them that were called to that 
solemn work, they soon after fell into factions and 
strange confusions, one part taking upon them to ex- 
communicate and punish the other in the church and in 
the court ; an ordinary effect of loose and pragmatic 
spirits, under any popular government, whether civil or 

For though they had no power of government granted 
them by Patent from the King, either mediately or im- 
mediately, yet, finding the necessity of civil rule and gov- 
ernment to be such, that no affairs could be carried on 
without something of that nature, they entered at last, 
sc. in the year 1640, into a combination among them- 
selves. The form of which combination is after this 
tenor, as is left upon record : 

Whereas sundry mischiefs and inconveniences have 
befallen us, and more and greater may, in regard of want 
of civil government, his gracious Majesty having settled no 
order for us, to our knowledge : — We, whose names are 
underwritten, being inhabitants upon the River of Pascat- 
aqua, have voluntarily agreed to combine ourselves into 
a body politic, that we may the more comfortably enjoy 
the benefit of his Majesty's laws, and do hereby actually 
engage ourselves to submit to his royal Majesty's laws, 
together with all such laws as shall be concluded by 
a major part of the freemen of our society, in case 
they be not repugnant to the laws of England, and ad- 
ministered in behalf of his Majesty. And this we have 
mutually promised and engaged to do, and so to con- 
tinue, till his excellent Majesty shall give other orders 
concerning us. In witness whereof we have hereunto 
set our hands, October 22, in the 16th year of the reign 
of our Sovereign Lord, Charles, by the grace of God, 
King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of 
the Faith, &c. Subscribed by 


RICHARD WALDRENE, with thirty-eight more. 1 

1 " The names of these thirty-eight cannot be found." Farmer, in Bel- 
knap, p. 433. — h. 


About the same time, likewise, was there a Plantation 
begun about the falls of Pascataqua, on the south side of 
the great bay up that river, called by the first inhabitants 
Exeter. This was begun by Mr. Wheelwright and 
others, who on his account were forced to depart out of 
the Massachusetts not long before, or else voluntarily 
bore him company. They, in like manner, judged it 
needful to enter into a combination by themselves, for the 
better enabling of them to carry on the affairs of their 
Plantation. Their combination was in this order ex- 
pressed : 

Whereas it hath pleased the Lord to move the heart 
of our dread Sovereign, Charles, [by the grace of God, 
King,] &c, to grant license and liberty to sundry of 
his subjects to plant themselves in the western parts 
of America : — We, his loyal subjects, brethren 1 of the 
church in 2 Exeter, situate and lying upon the River 
Pascataqua, with other inhabitants there, considering 
with ourselves the holy will of God, and our own neces- 
sity, that we should not live without wholesome laws 
and civil government amongst us, of which we are alto- 
gether destitute, do, in the name of Christ, and in the 
sight of God, combine ourselves together to erect and 
set up amongst us, such government as shall be, to our 
best discerning, agreeable to the will of God, professing 
ourselves subjects of 3 our Sovereign Lord, King Charles, 
according to the liberties of our English Colony of Mas- 
sachusetts, and binding [of] ourselves solemnly by the 
grace and help of Christ, and in his name and fear, to 
submit ourselves to such [godly and] Christian laws as 
are established in the realm of England, to our best 
knowledge, and to all other such laws which shall, upon 
good grounds, be made and enacted among us according 
to God, that we may live quietly and peaceably together 
in all godliness and honesty. Mo. 8. D. 4. 1639. 

Subscribed by 

with thirty-two more.' 

1 Members in the MS.— h. 2 Of in the MS.— H. 3 To in the MS.— h. 




As for the Province of Maine, on the north-east side 
of the River of Pascataqua, there were several attempts 
for the planting of divers places therein by Plymouth 
men, who had gotten Patents from the Great Council of 
Plymouth for that end ; amongst whom was one Mr. 
Trelanney, 1 whose interest, at the last, fell into the hands 
of Mr. Winter. 2 Several others also claimed an interest 
in some of those parts, under the countenance of the Earl 
of Warwick ; viz. Captain Cammocke, Mr. Gaines, a and 
others, who began to plant about a neck of land, then 
called Black Point. About the same time came over one 
Mr. Josselin, with intent to settle about Newichawan- 
nicke, upon the account of Captain John Mason, who, 
upon the division of the interest which he had with Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges, had that place assigned unto him. But 
upon the death of Captain Mason, (who was the gentleman 
that employed him, and having none to succeed him, 
who was capable to carry on those designs,) he removed 
himself to Black Point, upon some agreement with Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, into whose hands at the last fell all 
those places, fit for plantations in that part of the country; 
who obtained a confirmation thereof by a Royal Charter, 
granted to him and his heirs, under the great seal of 
England, bearing date Anno 1639. After which confirma- 
tion he granted Patents to several gentlemen to hold of 
him, in fee, as Grand Proprietor ; viz. to Captain Bonitham, 3 
about the River Saco ; to Captain Champernoon, 4 and his 
cousin Gorges, 5 about Agamenticus ; employing Mr. 
Vines as his agent for the most part, for the managing 
of the Plantation, which he kept in his own hands. b 

The gentleman who purchased the Plough Patent, pro- 
cured also a part of the Province of Maine to the west- 
ward of Kennebeck, who employed one Mr. Cleves to 
carry on his interest in those parts, so long as it was 
counted worth the looking after. But, in fine, the in- 
habitants of all these Plantations at Pascataqua, and in the 
Province of Maine, having wearied themselves with end- 
less contentions and strifes, and having tried all conclu- 
sions of government, both by Patent and combination, 

1 Robert Trelawny. See pp. 142, 381.— h. 5 John Winter. See 

Maine Hist. Coll. i. 19, 21, et seq. — h. 3 Capt. Richard Bonython. — h. 

4 Capt. Francis Champernoon. — h. 5 Thomas Gorges. — h. 


and finding neither sufficient, in any tolerable degree of 
comfortable order, to maintain and support the grandeur 
of authority, like those mentioned in the prophet, they 
took hold of the skirt of the Massachusetts, expecting 
that under their wings they might find an healing of their 
breaches, which, in some measure, the more sober part of 
the inhabitants were willing to think they had obtained ; 
but of late time they have met with some changes, 
whether for the better or the worse, future time will best 

But as for the Plantation begun on the west side of 
Pascataqua River, immediately after the decease of Captain 
Mason, none appearing to keep things in good order, or 
that had power to call the agents and servants to an ac- 
count, therefore they shared the land and stock that were 
taken into, and left in, their possession, among themselves, 
for the arrears of wages, or on some such like accounts, 
until Mrs. Anne Mason, sole executrix of Captain John 
Mason her husband, sent over her husband's kinsman, 
one Mr. Joseph Mason, 1 to look after her interest there ; 
who, finding little encouragement to proceed further 
therein, returned soon after himself to those that sent 
him, with the sad report of the ruins of a fair estate, that 
had been laid out upon an unprofitable design, which all 
the rest of the partners had experience of, as well as 
those that remained of the rest of that gentleman's family. 
There were other attempts by him, which failed in like 
manner, for want of means to carry them on, or for want 
of faithful agents ; for some who are yet surviving, do 
affirm that Captain Mason did, in the year 1634, send 
over agents to set up a saw-mill about Newichawanuck, 2 
upon an agreement betwixt himself and Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, who had both of them taken a Patent together 
for the land between Merrimack River and Sagadehock, 
bearing date November 17, 1629. 3 And by mutual agree- 
ment afterwards, Captian Mason was to have that part of 
the Province of Maine allotted to him as his share of the 
division. Much other estate was sent over by him, 
which by ill management came to little. 

1 In 1652.— h. 2 See Farmer's Belknap, pp. 428-31, 15.— h. 

3 See page 616.— h. 


It hath been affirmed likewise by Mr. Josselin, who 
first came over into New England on Captain Mason's 
account, that there was the same agreement made betwixt 
Mr. Matthew Cradock and Captain John Mason, that the 
bounds of the Massachusetts should reach to three miles 
to the northward of Merrimack, and the remainder of the 
land betwixt that line and Pascataqua River should be 
left for Captain Mason's Patent ; which it hath been 
credibly affirmed that he consented unto. 1 But he dying 
in the latter end of the year 1635, all that he had done 
before came to little or nothing. Neither had he oppor- 
tunity to send over the seventy families, which some to 
this day affirm he engaged to do, and which is judged 
very probable he did ; because by his last will and testa- 
ment he gave about a thousand 2 acres of land to the town 
of Lynn, in Norfolk, where himself was born, upon con- 
dition that they should send over a certain number of 
families within a time prefixed ; but his death happening 
so soon after gave a supersedeas to all such promises 
and purposes of his ; and his successors not attempting to 
carry on the designs which he had begun, the whole tract 
of land, included within those grants of his, was soon after 
possessed by his servants and others, as was said before, as 
a kind of " vacuum domicilium ; " which is the true estate 
of those places, challenged at present by his successor. 

Of all the persons who were concerned in the business of 
New England, or whose names were inserted in the Grand 
Council thereof, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain 
John Mason were the more active, and probably had the 
greatest interest therein. Possibly they might, one or 
both of them, bear some office in an about that Council, 
either as Secretary or Treasurer. 3 But having spent much 
time and cost, and taken a great deal of pains, and per- 
ceiving nothing like to come to perfection, and fearing 
that they should ere long be forced to resign up their 
Grand Charter into the hands of the King, 4 they adventured 
upon a new project in the latter end of the year 1634, 
and beginning of the year 1635, which was to have pro- 

1 Hutchinson, Coll: Papers, pp. 3, 423. — h. 2 Two thousand. See 

Farmer's Belknap, p. 15. — h. 3 Belknap says that Gorges was Presi- 

dent, and Mason Secretary, of the Council of Plymouth. In April, 1635, 
Mason's name appears, as Vice-President of the Council. See Hazard, i. 
390.— h. 4 See pp. 88-9.— h. 


cured a General Governor for the whole country for New 
England, to be forthwith sent over, and to reduce the 
whole country into twelve provinces, from St Croix to 
the Lord Baltimore's Province in Virginia ; and because 
the Massachusetts Patent stood in their way, (which 
Province was then well peopled and planted) they en- 
deavored to get that Patent revoked, and that all might 
be reduced to a new form of government, under one 
General Governor. For in June, 1635, it was certified 
by letters from the Lord Say, and by the report of divers 
passengers, that such petitions were put up to the King, 
and to the Lords of the Council, the copies of which 
were sent then over. They were put up under the hands 
of the Duke of Lenox, Marquis Hamilton, the Earl of 
Arundel, Earl of Carlile, Earl of Sterling, the Lord 
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Captain John Mason, 
though it was probably conceived that it was the project 
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges himself only. 
That to the Lords was after this manner. 


Whereas it pleased your Lordships to give order to 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to confer with such as were 
chiefly interested in the Plantations of New England to 
resolve whether they would resign wholly to his Majesty 
the Patent 1 of New England, and to leave to his Majesty 
and his Council the sole managing of the public affairs, 
with reservation of every man's right formally granted, 
or whether they would stand to the said Patent, and 
prosecute the business amongst themselves, and to have 
the said Patent renewed, with the reformation, or addi- 
tion, of such things as should be found expedient : " 

Then it followed, " We whose names are here under- 
written, being interested in the business, do humbly 
submit to his Majesty's pleasure to do therewith as he 

" But withal we humbly desire, that upon our resigna- 
tion of our said Patent, his Majesty being || to dispose || of 
the whole country, severally, and immediately from him- 
self, those divisions upon the seacoast, that are here-under 

1 SeeGorges's America, Part 2, p. 44; the " Act of Surrender" is in 
Hazard, i. 393-4, and the "Reasons moving thereto," ibid. 390-2.— h. 

1 n* 



designed, may be instantly confirmed, and bestowed, by 
new grants from his Majesty unto us, to be holden of his 
Majesty, paying the fifth part, &c, and with the privilege 
of the said Patent, and such further royalties, as the 
Lord Baltimore hath in his Patent for the country of 
Maryland, saving only that we should submit ourselves 
to the General Governor, now presently to be estab- 
lished by his Majesty for the whole country, and after his 
decease, or other determination of his office, that then 
from the Lords of his Province there may be an election 
of three by lot, which said three persons, so elected, 
shall be presented to the King, that out of that number 
one may be chosen by his Majesty, to succeed in the 
place of the General Governor; who shall in person, 
or by his sufficient Deputy, reside in the country during 
the space of three years only, and so from three years 
to three years, another Governor to be chosen succes- 
sively and the old Governor to be left out of the lot of 

The several divisions of the twelve provinces next 
followed after. The first was from St. Croix to Pemaquid. 
The second, from Pemaquid to Sagadehock. The third 
contained the land between the Rivers Androscoggin 1 
and Kennibeck. The fourth, along the sea coast from 
Sagadehock to Pascataqua. The fifth, from Pascataqua 
to Naumkeek. The sixth, from Naumkeek round the 
sea coast by Cape Cod to Narrhaganset. The seventh, 
from Narrhaganset to the half way bound betwixt that 
and Connecticut River, and so fifty miles up into the coun- 
try. The eighth, from the half-way bound to Connecti- 
cut River, and so fifty miles up into the country. The 
ninth, from Connecticut River along the sea coast to Hud- 
son's River, and so up thirty miles, &c. The tenth, from 
the thirty miles end, to cross up forty miles eastward. The 
eleventh, from the west side of Hudson's River, thirty 
miles up the country towards the 40th degree, where New 
England beginneth. The twelth, from the end of the 
thirty miles up the said River northward, thirty miles 
further, and from thence to cross into the land forty miles. 

1 Ambross Coggin in the MS , — h. 


And out of every one of || these || Provinces was five 
thousand acres to be granted to certain persons there 
named, in lieu of some former grants made to each of 
them in those divisions which they were now to sur- 
render, and to hold each man his five thousand acres in 
fee of the Lord of the Province ; and the Lord of every 
one of these twelve Provinces was to send the same year 
ten men with the General Governor, well provided. 

To all which it is added, in the last place : 

" It is humbly desired that your Lordships would be 
pleased to order these things following. 

"1. That the Patent for the Plantation of the Massachu- 
setts Bay may be revoked, and that all those who have 
any other grants within any of these Provinces, whether 
they have planted or not, upon any part of the same, yet 
they shall enjoy their lands, laying down their jura rega- 
lia, if they had any, and paying some reasonable ac- 
knowledgment as freeholders to the Lord of the Province, 
of whom they are now to take new grants of their said 
lands ; and in case any of their lands shall be found having 
exorbitant bounds, to have been unlawfully obtained, 
they shall be reduced to a lesser proportion, as may 
be fit for the grantor, who is undertaker at the direction 
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges ; and if the grantee shall be 
any ways refractory, and refuse to surrender, and hold 
anew of the said Lord of the Province, that then your 
Lordships would take order, by such course as law will 
permit, to make void the same. 

" 2. that every river, that parts two Provinces, shall 
equally belong, half way over, to that Province it lies 
contiguous to. 

" 3. That the islands upon the sea coast, or within the 
river of any Province, being not here named, shall be- 
long to the Province they lie nearest unto. 

" 4. That there is offered to your Lordship's considera- 
tions, the building of a City for the seat of the Governor ; 
unto which City forty thousand acres of land may be 
allotted, besides the divisions above-mentioned. And 
that every one that is to have any of these Provinces, 

|| those || 


shall be at the charge of sending over with the Gov- 
ernor ten men, towards the building of the said City ; 
wherein every such Adventurer shall not only have his 
share of the trade and buildings, but also shall have all 
other fruit of the ten men's labor, sent as aforesaid. 

" Moreover there is humbly dedicated to the founda- 
tion of a Church in the said City, and maintenance of 
clergymen to serve in the said Church, ten thousand 
acres of land, near adjoining to the said City." 

Certainly, at the first venting of this project, the author 
did not know, at least not consider, that fifty thousand 
acres of unimproved land in New England was not at 
that time worth £50 ; and therefore would have done 
but little, as to the building of cities, and endowing 
of churches. And at this day there is not much of the 
land in the country, unless in the midst of two or three 
trading towns, is worth little more than hath been ex- 
pended in the breaking of it up and fencing of it in. 

But to go on. The petition of the aforesaid Lords, 
&c, to the King's Majesty was after this form. 

"may it please your most sacred majesty. 

It is humbly desired by the Duke of Lenox, &c, an- 
cient Patentees and Adventurers in the Plantation of New 
England, that forasmuch as they are now presently to 
join in the surrender to your Majesty of the Grand Pa- 
tent of their Corporation, that your Royal Majesty will be 
graciously inclined to give order to your Attorney-Gen- 
eral, to draw several Patents of such parcels of land, as 
by their mutual consent have been allotted to them ; and 
to have the same Patents prepared fit for your Majesty's 
royal signature, with such titles, privileges, [and] im- 
munities, as have been heretofore granted, either to 
them or to any other, by your Majesty, or by your 
late royal father, King James, of blessed memory, with 
reservations of appeal to the Governor or Lieutenant 
of the territories, in cases reasonable ; that they, knowing 
their own interest, may be the better able to plant and 
govern them to your Majesty's honor, their particular 
profits, and their people's civil government and faithful 
obedience to the laws of your sacred Majesty. April 
6, 1635." 


In order to the carrying on of some such design as 
seems to be intended in the forementioned petitions, 
there is a copy of some such agreement concerning one 
of the forementioned Provinces, which the forenamed 
persons promised to grant to Captain John Mason, which 
seems to be drawn up not long before, about that, which 
runs after this tenor. 

Forasmuch as by a mutual agreement, we whose 
names are subscribed, Patentees or Adventurers, and of the 
Council of New England, are to join in the surrender to 
his Majesty of the Great Charter of that country, which 
was granted to us in the 18th year of the reign of King 
James, of blessed memory ; in whose presence, Feb. 3, 
1624, 1 lots were drawn for settling of divers and sundry 
divisions of lands on the sea coasts of the said country, 
upon most of us, who hitherto have never been confirmed 
in the lands so allotted : 

And to the intent that every one of us, according to 
equity, and in some reasonable manner, answerable to 
his adventures, or other interest, may enjoy a proportion 
of the lands of the said country, to be immediately 
holden of his Majesty : We therefore do condescend, and 
agree, that all the part of the seacoast of the country 
aforesaid, shall belong to Captain John Mason, to begin 
at the middle of Naumkeek River, and from thence to 
proceed eastward along the seacoast to Cape Anne, and 
round about the same into Pascataqua Harbor, and so 
forward up the River of Newichawanock, and to the 
furthest head of the said river, and from thence north- 
westward, till sixty miles be finished from the first entrance 
of Pascataqua Harbor. Also from Naumkeek through 
the harbor and river thereof, up into the land west sixty 
miles ; from which period to cross over land to the sixty 
miles end, accounted from Pascataqua, through Newi- 
Ichawanock River, and into the said land northwest as 
laforesaid ; and hereunto is to belong the south half of the 
Isle of Shoals, and ten thousand acres of land on the 
southeast part of Sagadehock, at the mouth or entrance 
thereof. Saving and reserving out of this Division, to 

1 The MS. says 1634 ; but this is a slip of the pen. It was probably Feb. 
3, 1624-5. James I. died April 8, 1625— h. 


every one that hath any lawful grant of lands, or Planta- 
tion lawfully settled in the same, the freeholding and 
enjoying of his right, with the liberties thereunto apper- 
taining, laying down his jura regalia, if he have any, to 
the Proprietor of his Division, wherein his land lies, and 
paying some small acknowledgment, for that he is now to 
hold his said land anew of the Proprietor of his Division." 




Concordat cum originali, facta collatione per me, 

THOMAS MAYDWEL, Notar. Publicum. 

It is not known that many of the rest obtained such 
like grants, as that late described, from the Grand Coun- 
cil before they surrendered, which, it is said, was done in 
June, lGSS/and Captain Mason deceasing before that year 
was expired, he never obtained a confirmation of it from 
the King, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges did of the Province 
of Maine, in the year 1639. 2 And whether such an act 
of consent of the Grand Council, being not confirmed, 
can invalidate the actual possession of others, that entered 
upon the land as void of all grant and possession, espe- 
cially if their possessions were in like manner granted 
by the Grand Council, §and^ were confirmed by any 
preceding grant from his Royal Majesty, is not hard to 

By these steps and degrees was the first planting of 
the lands about Pascataqua carried on ; nor was the right 
and title of any of the present inhabitants ever particu- 
larly and expressly questioned, or any kind of rent de- 
manded of them, till the year 1679, by Mr. Mason, or 
any in his name before ; the validity of whose preten- 
sions is at this present time under debate, the issue of 
which will ere long be made known. 

Some gentlemen in England not long before, or about 
the time, when the Grand Charter of New England was 
surrendered up into the hands of the King, had prepared 
a ship of considerable bigness, which should have been 

1 June 7, 1635. See page 89. — h. 

8 April 3d. See the Grant in Hazard, i. 442-55. — h. 


employed in bringing over the General Governor, and 
to have been kept there as a man of war ; but the design 
succeeded very ill, for the ship, in the launching, turned on 
one side and broke her back, which caused them to lay 
aside their purpose, as was mentioned before, Chap, xxvii. 
And not long after one of the gentlemen, that was 
known to be one of the greatest adversaries to the affairs 
:>f the Massachusetts, fell sick, and died soon after. In 
bis sickness he sent for the minister, and bewailed his, 
snmity against them, and promised, if he recovered, to be 
as great a friend to New England as ever he had been 
in enemy before. But his fatal hour being come, his 
purposes of that nature were cut off; which should in- 
struct all to do the good they intend, while their time 
lasteth, for there is no work nor device in the grave, 
whither they are going. 1 The passage foregoing was 
certified by letters from my Lord Say and others, to the 
governor of New England, about the year 1635. 2 


The general affairs of the Massachusetts, from the year 
1636 to the year 1641. 

Things had hitherto been very successfully carried 
>n in the Massachusetts ; and in the entrance of the year 
L636, the 25th of May, Mr. Henry Vane, that arrived 
here with sundry other gentlemen in the year 1635, 3 was 
:hosen Governor of the Massachusetts Colony, at which 
:ime also Mr. Winthrop was chosen Deputy Governor, 
md Mr. Roger Harlakenden, a that came along in the 
same ship with Mr. Vane, the year before, was chosen 
im Assistant. 

There was then as great hopes of the continuance of 
[he peace and prosperity of the Plantation, as ever before, 
)r rather greater. But ||ofttimes|| a bright morning is fol- 
owed with a dark and obscure evening. Many sad and 
rhreatening storms of trouble were observed falling upon 
that country, before this lustre was half run out, some 
)f which were mingled with showers of blood ; although 

j| often || 

The individual referred to is John Mason. See Sav. Win. i. 187 ; 
L 12.— h. * Ibid. i. 161.— h. 3 See page 177.— h. 


in the beginning thereof there were many new Plantations 
carrying on, both about the Bay, and up higher in the 
country, as far as Connecticut River, an hundred miles 
westward from Boston. And now the country increas- 
ing, and growing every year more populous than other, 
by the addition of many hundred families, that every 
season were resorting thither, it was judged || necessary || 
to make some further progress in settling the govern- 
ment, by some other forms or ways of Council and Courts 
of Judicature, for the safety and ease of the people, and 
to prevent the travelling of the inhabitants many miles 
from their own places to obtain justice ; long journies at 
that time being, for want of horses and other means of 
transportation, very difficult to any sort of people. 

Therefore, about the beginning of this lustre, 1 a Stand- 
ing Council was ordered to be chosen out of the magis- 
trates, and to be for term of life, unless for some weighty 
cause they were found unworthy ; and the Governor for 
the time being was always to be President. But since that 
time, upon further experience, every particular magistrate 
is declared to be of the Standing Council of the country. 
At this time there were but three to be the Standing Coun- 
cil, viz. the Governor, Mr. Winthrop, and Mr. Dudley. 

Further also, besides the Quarter Courts, when all the 
magistrates were wont to meet, other particular Courts 
were ordered 2 to be kept at Boston, New-Town, (since 
Cambridge,) Salem and Ipswich, consisting of one magis- 
trate at least, and three or four associates, chosen by the 
Court out of the persons nominated by the freemen of 
their several jurisdictions, with liberty || 2 of|| appeal to the 
Quarter Courts, (which, since that time, 3 are reduced 
to two, called the Courts of Assistants, one in March, 
the other in September, in every year, 4 ) if either 
plaintiff or defendant found themselves aggrieved by the 
proceedings of those inferior Courts. The proceedings 
in either of these Courts is after the manner of the 
Sessions or Assizes, by juries, grand and petit, &,c, in 
the realm of England. 5 

|| reasonable || || * to || 

1 April 7, 1636.— h. 2 By the law of 1639, says Washburn, Judic. 

3 In 1639. Ibid. p. 29.— h. Hist. Mass., p. 30.— h. 

4 In the margin. — h. 5 See Mass. Col. Laws, (ed. 1672) p. 36.— h. 


There were also, about that time, two General Courts 
established, in whieh it was ordered that no act should 
proceed, unless the major part both of the magistrates 
and deputies should consent ; although, since that time, 
there hath been some alteration so far made, that, in case 
of non-agreement, both magistrates and deputies should 
vote together, and the major part of both, so voting, 
should determine any matter of civil controversy. 1 

At the same time it was also enacted, that every par- 
ticular township should have power of their own affairs, 
and to set mulcts upon any offender against public order, 
not exceeding twenty shillings, which power the inhabi- 
tants have liberty to exact in their own society, ||on|| their 
public meeting days, or by their prudential men, whom 
they have liberty to choose, (the whole not exceeding 
seven, 2 ) to order the affairs of their several townships. 3 

As also, in order to the public safety of the Colony, it 
was about this time divided into three several regiments, 
that were to be managed by so many Colonels, with 
their Lieutenants ; which yet hath since been altered, 
and the military matters committed to a Major in every 
particular County, and to a Major General for the over- 
sight of the whole. 4 

But in the year 1636, under the government of Mr. 
Vane, many clouds began to gather, threatening a storm, 
both civil and ecclesiastical, like to ensue ere long. The 
body of the freemen, having taken much offence at his 
managing of the chief affairs, did, at the next Court of 
Election, not only lay him aside from being Governor 
any longer, making an order immediately, that no man 
should ever after be made Governor, before he had been 
one whole year in the country at least, but also left him 
out from being an Assistant, not willing he should have 
any further hand in the government ; which possibly 
occasioned his removal back to England, sooner than else 
he intended, towards the end of the year 1637, whither 
the present history shall not pursue him ; although it is 
not unworthy taking notice, what an eminent minister 


1 Mass. Col. Laws, (ed. 1672) p. 35.— h. 

2 Nine, say Col. Laws, p 148.— h. 3 Ibid. pp. 21, 148.— h. 

4 Ibid. pp. 107-16 ; Johnson's Hist. N. E., (Lond. 1654) pp. 190-5.— h. 


of the country solemnly declared concerning him, not 
long before his departure thence, which had its accom- 
plishment in his fatal end not long since, on the Tower 
Hill in London ; which yet is not spoken to prejudice any 
esteem that Christian people then had of his share in the 
eternal mercy of the living God. 

But to return. In the room of the said Mr. Vane, at 
the next Court of Election, kept at Cambridge, May the 
17th, 1637, (and difficultly carried on, by reason of some 
obstructions laid in the way, by such as were of the 
former Governor's party in the country, 1 ) was chosen 
Mr. Winthrop as Governor, and Mr. Dudley as Deputy 
Governor, under whose wise conduct the country soon 
recovered its former beauty, place, and splendor, which 
had been very much eclipsed in the misguiding and bad 
conduct of the former Governor ; the particulars of which, 
and the disturbance occasioned thereby, shall be dis- 
coursed by themselves in the following chapters. 2 

In the year 1638 the Court of Election happened on 
May 2d, when Mr. Winthrop was again called to be 
Governor, and Mr. Dudley Deputy Governor, of whose 
wisdom and integrity the country had had so much and 
so long experience before, that they were very loath \ to 
change any more. 

At the same Court liberty was granted for the erecting 
of several new Plantations within the bounds of the Mas- 
sachusetts Colony, as at Hampton and Salisbury, 3 places 
situate between the Rivers of Merrimack and Pascataqua, 
well stored with meadow-lands and salt marshes, although 
the uplands were something sandy, and likely to be barren. 

Liberty also was granted for another Plantation or 
township, at a place called by the English Sudbury, 
within five miles of Concord, planted first in the year 
1635. 4 

Besides the forementioned Plantations, another was 
granted to a company that came with an eminent minister 
of the Gospel, Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, out of Yorkshire, 
since by them called Rowley, with respect to a town of 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 219 ; Hutchinson, i. 62. — h. * See page 255. — h. 

3 See page 242. — h. 4 Were it not that this paragraph has been 

misunderstood, I should hardly deem it necessary to remark, that the last 
five words, with the date, refer to Concord, and not to Sudbury. — h. 


that name in Yorkshire, whereof the said reverend per- 
son had been a long time minister. 1 

But that which was in this year more to be observed, 
was the founding of a College at that place, called before 
(in reference to some others formerly planted) New- 
Town ; but now, 2 with relation to the seat of the muses, 
who at this time had an invitation thither, and a founda- 
tion laid for their future flourishing there, called Cam- 
bridge, and which, in honor of a worthy minister, Mr. 
Harvard by name, that had bequeathed £700 toward so 
pious a work, was called Harvard College. In the year 
1636 there was £400 given by the General Court for 
the furthering thereof. 3 

In the year 1637 a committee was chosen to take care 
about the building of the said College ; and in this 
present year it arose to so much perfection as to have that 
honorable name imposed upon it. What helps it hath 
since received by general benefactors, by whom en- 
dowed, and of what use it hath been in following times 
to the promoting of good literature, for the upholding both 
of church and state, may be mentioned probably after- 
wards : — most of the towns in the country, at this time 
about an hundred in all, being furnished with able minis- 
ters that there had their education. 4 

At the following election, May 22, 1639, the former 
Governor and Deputy Governor were continued in their 
places, as the year before; during which time it might 
be said of New England, as sometime of Judah, things 
went well, and were attended with the former prosperity, 
both m encouraging the just, and bearing witness against 
the oppressors and unrighteous dealers. 

May 12, 5 1640, Mr. Dudley was honored with the 
place of Governor, and Mr. Bellingham with that of 
Deputy Governor ; at which Court there was liberty 
granted for two other Plantations, in the more inland 
parts of the country, to the westward of the towns of 
Ipswich and Newberry; the first called Haverhill, the 
other Andover, with reference to some of the planters 
that belonged to those towns in the realm of England. 6 

1 Sav. Win. i. 27S-9, 294, 324.— h. 2 May, 1638.— h. 

3 See Sav. Win. ii. 87-8, 150, 342; Holmes, i. 247-8.— h. 

4 See page 247. — h. 5 May 13th, says Winthrop. — h. 
• Sav. Win. ii. 17, 101.— h. 


Hitherunto divine Providence did, with arms of abun- 
dant goodness, as a nursing father, uphold this infant 
Province of New England, as was said of Ephraim, when 
God learned him to go, taking him by the hand. But 
for the future they were left more to stand upon their 
own legs, and shift for themselves ; for now there was a 
great change in the state of the country, the inhabitants 
being put to great straits by reason of the fall of the price 
of cattle, the breeding and increase of which had been 
the principal means of upholding the country next un- 
der divine favor, shining out upon them, by many un- 
expected advantages ; for whereas before, all sorts of 
great cattle were usually sold for £25 the head, 1 by 
reason of the continual coming over of new families every 
year to plant the wilderness, now that fountain began 
to be dried, and the stream turned another way, and 
many that intended to have followed their neighbors 
and friends into a land not sown, hoping by the turn of 
the times, and the great changes that were then afoot, to 
enjoy that at their own doors and homes, which the other 
had travelled so far to seek abroad, there happened 
a total cessation of any passengers coming over ; yea, 
rather, as at the turn of a tide, many came back with' the 
help of the same stream, or sea, that carried them thither ; 
insomuch that now the country of New England was 
to seek of a way to provide themselves of clothing, 
which they could not attain by selling of their cattle as 
before ; which now were fallen from that huge price 
forementioned, first to £14 and £\0 an head, and pres- 
ently after (at least within a year,) to £5 apiece ; nor was 
there at that rate ready vent for them neither. Thus the 
flood that brought in much wealth to many persons, the 
contrary ebb carried all away, out of their reach. To 
help in this their exigent, besides the industry that the 
present necessity put particular persons upon, for the 
necessary supply of their families, the General Court 
made several orders for the manufacture of woollen and 
linen cloth ; which, with God's blessing upon man's 
endeavor, in a little time stopped this gap in part, and 

1 Say, Win. i. 206.— h. 


soon after another door was opened by special Provi- 
dence. For when one hand was shut by way of supply 
from England, another was opened by way of traffic, 
first to the West Indies and Wine Islands, whereby, 
among other .goods, much cotton wool was brought into 
the country from the Indies; which the inhabitants learn- 
ing to spin, and breeding of sheep, and by sowing of 
hemp and flax, they soon found out a way to supply 
themselves with many necessaries of linen and woollen 

Thanks be to the Almighty the country was not driven 
to those straits to lay hold of the skirts of the next 
comer, for want of meat and clothing ; for being so well 
furnished with the one, they soon found out a way, by 
the abundance thereof, to supply themselves with the 
other, which hath been the general way of the sub- 
sistence of the country ever since ; and is like, by the 
blessing of Heaven, to continue, so long as the original 
grant of divine bounty continues, (which is the grand 
||tenure|| whereby mankind do hold, in capite, of the supreme 
Head and Governor of the world) of multiplying the fish 
of the sea, and beasts on the earth, or fowl in the air, 
and the growing of the grass and fruits of the earth, for 
the food of man and beast, that their granaries may be 
full, their oxen strong to labor, and other creatures bring 
forth thousands in their streets. 


Various occurrences in the Massachusetts, from the year 
1636/0 1641. 

News of the scarceness 1 of provision in New England 
being carried over the sea, in the end of the year ]| Q 1 635, |,|. 
many ships laden therewith, were, by the special favor 
of God, early there the next year ; most of them that 
came in the spring making their way over in five weeks 
time ; though some, that could not be ready to set out 
till the middle of the summer, made it five and twenty 
before they reached their port ; with whom were em- 

H tenor || ll 2 1634|| 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 159, 161, 169, 182,184-5, 388.— h. 


barked Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, afterwards called to be 
pastor of the church at Ipswich, and Mr. Partridge, after- 
wards called to Duxbury, in Plymouth Colony. They 
were driven to half a pint of water a man, and much 
scanted in all other provision; yet through the goodness 
of God came all ashore in good health, in or about the 
month of November, 1636. 1 

One of the first ships that arrived here that year was 
the Charity, of Dartmouth, 2 laden with provision, at that 
time very scarce. She brought comfort in her very name, 
and was by special Providence preserved in the mouth 
of the Bay, between Alerton's point and Nantaskit, hav- 
ing struck ground twice upon the ebb, in a strong north- 
west wind, but was got off very strangely, and her pro- 
vision very charitably distributed to poor people, that 
then were in great distress, at a moderate price. 

Mr. Henry Vane being chosen Governor that year, 
(the son and heir of Sir Henry Vane, one of the Privy 
Council,) all the ships in the harbor congratulated his 
election with a volley of shot. The next week he invited 
all the commanders to a treat, fifteen in all ; after that 
was ended, he propounded three things, which they all 
gladly accepted. 1. That, after this year, all ships bound 
in hither, should come to an anchor below the Castle, 
(which is built on a small island a league below the town) 
unless they should signify before hand, by sending their 
boat ashore, that they were friends. 2. That, before 
they offered any goods to sale, they should deliver an in- 
voice, and give the Governor liberty for twenty-four hours 
for refusal. 3. That their men might not stay ashore (ex- 
cept upon necessary business) after sun set. 3 It had been 
well that, as the captains of fifteen great ships had con- 
descended to ||those|| propositions, all others had been bound 
to observe them ; but it is easier to propound good or- 
ders, than to see them, or cause them, to be performed. 

A just occasion of making such proposals was the arrival 
(a little before that time) of the St. Patrick, belonging 
to Sir Thomas Wentworth, 4 then Deputy of Ireland, 
whereof one Palmer w T as master. The Lieutenant of the 

1 Nov. 17th. Sav. Win. i. 205.— h. s April 12th. Ibid. 185.— h. 

• Ibid. 187.— h. 4 Afterwards Earl of Strafford.— h. 


Castle 1 made the master strike his flag, although the colors 
were not then aboard, which he complained of to the 
magistrates as an injury. Upon hearing the case, they 
condemned the Lieutenant for doing that which he had 
no commission to do ; and therefore tendered the master 
such satisfaction as he desired, which was only this ; that 
the Lieutenant should, aboard his ship, make acknowledg- 
ment of his error, that so all the ship's company might 
receive satisfaction ; lest the Lord Deputy should also 2 
have been informed that they offered that discourtesy to 
his ship, which they never offered to any before. 

One Miller, master's mate of the Hector, (a stately 
ship which lay then in the harbor,) had told some of the 
people, aboard their ship, that they were all traitors and 
rebels in New England, because they had not the King's 
colors at the Castle. The Governor acquainted Mr. 
Fame, 3 the master, with it, who promised to deliver him 
to them. Whereupon they sent the Marshal for him, 
with four Serjeants ; but the master not being aboard at 
that time, they would not deliver him ; whereupon the 
master himself went and brought him to the Court, and 
the words being proved against him by two witnesses, 
he was committed. The next day the master, to pacify 
his men, (who were in a great tumult,) requested he 
might be delivered to him, and did undertake to bring 
him before them again the next day, which was granted 
him, and he brought him accordingly at the time ap- 
pointed. Then, in the presence of all the rest of the 
masters, he acknowledged his offence, and set his hand to 
a submission, and was discharged. Then the Governor 
desired the masters that they would deal freely, and tell 
them if they took any offence, and what they required of 
them. They answered, that in regard they should be 
examined upon their return what colors they saw there, 
they did desire that the King's colors might be spread at 
their fort. It was answered that they had not the King's 
colors ; thereupon two of them did freely offer to give 
them one. The Governor replied, that whatsoever they 
thought or [were] persuaded of the cross in the ensign, 

1 The Lieutenant was, probably, "Richard Morris. See Clap's Memoirs, 
p. 31 ; Sav. Win. ii. 344, 345.— h. 
* Conjectural.— h. a Feme. Sav. Win. i. 187.— h. 


as idolatrous in the rise or occasion of it, (and therefore 
might not set it in their own ensign,) jet because the fort 
was the King's, and maintained in his name, they thought 
it might be spread there. So the Governor accepted 
the colors of Captain Palmer, and promised they should 
be set up at the Castle, which accordingly was done. 1 

In the year 1638 the Plantations were begun at Salis- 
bury, and at Winniconet, afterwards Hampton. This 
latter gave some occasion of difference between the Mas- 
sachusetts and some of Pascataqua, which was this. 

Mr. Wheelwright, after he was sent out of the Massa- 
chusetts, 2 gathered a company and sat down at the falls 
of Pascataqua, and called their town Exeter ; and for 
their enlargement they dealt with an Indian there, and 
bought of him Winniconet, and then signified to the 
Massachusetts what they had done, and that they intended 
to lay out all those lands in farms, except they could show 
a better title. They wrote also to those who had begun 
to plant there, to desist, &c. Those letters coming to the 
General Court, [they returned answer 3 ] that they looked 
at this dealing [as 3 ] against good neighborhood, re- 
ligion, and common honesty, that, knowing they claimed 
Winniconet within their Patent, or as vacuum domicilium, 
and had taken possession thereof by building an house 
there, about two years since, they should now go about by 
purchase to procure an unknown title, and then come and 
inquire of their right that had been possessed thereof be- 
fore. It was in the same letter also manifestly demon- 
strated, that the Indians having only a natural right to so 
much land as they had or could improve, the rest of the 
country lay open to them that should occupy the same, 
as by the said letter did more at large appear. 

Those of Exeter replied 4 to the answer of the Massa- 
chusetts, being resolved still to maintain the Indian right, 
and their interest thereby. But in the mean time the 
Massachusetts had sent men to discover Merrimack, 
and found some part of it about Pennacooke to lie more 
northerly than forty-three and a half degrees ; and so 
returned answer to them, that though they would not 

1 See further Sav. Win. i. 188-9, ii. 344.— h. s See page 280.— h. 
» Supplied from Sav. Win. i. 290.— h. 4 In May, 1639. Ibid. 303.— h. 


relinquish their interest bj priority of possession for any 
right they could have from the Indians, yet, seeing they 
had professed not to claim anything [which] should fall 
within the limits of the Massachusetts Patent, it was 
expected they should look no further than that, in respect 
of their claim. 

On the 4th of September, 1639, 1 divers gentle- 
men, being joined in a military company, in and about 
Boston, desired to be made a corporation. But the 
Council considering (from the example of the Prsetorian 
Bands among the Romans, and the Templars in Europe,) 
how dangerous it might be, to erect a standing authority 
of military men, which might easily in time overtop the 
civil power, thought fit to stop it betimes ; yet they were 
allowed to be a company, but subordinate to the authority 
of the country. 

Thus were the chief rulers of the country not only 
ready to espy, but timely prevent, any inconveniency that 
might in after time arise. Yet were they not able to 
prevent jealousies and animosities, occasioned thereby, 
from stirring in men's minds, which did more eminently 
appear by the transactions of the year 1638, 1639. 
Some of the deputies at the Court of Election, 1639, 
were much blamed by the freemen for yielding to a late 
order made in the General Court in the former year, for 
reducing of the towns to two deputies ; which many 
accounted an abridgment of their liberty, seeing they 
were wont to send three before. Therefore many of the 
deputies at the next sessions of the Court propounded to 
have the same number restored; but, after much debate, 
such reasons were given for the diminishing the number 
of the deputies, which were now not a little increased 
by the addition of many new Plantations, that divers of 
the deputies, who came with intent to reverse the last 
order, were by force of reason brought to uphold it; so 
that when it was put to the vote, the last order, for two 
deputies, w 7 as confirmed. Nor could the petition from 
Roxbury, strengthened with the hands of some of the 
elders, prevail to an alteration. 

Another matter of jealousy, stirring at the Court, was 

1 A mistake ; it was Feb. 1637-8. Sav. Win. i. 253.— h. 


about the Standing Council, which had been established 
by serious advice of the elders, and had been in practice 
two or three years, without any inconvenience ; but now 
several of the deputies had a pique at it, and tendered an 
order at the next session of the Court, that no person 
chosen a counsellor, should have any authority as a magis- 
trate, except he were in the annual election chosen there- 
unto. But the magistrates wisely chose rather to answer 
the difficulty, by explanation of the former fundamental 
order, than by drawing up any new one ; viz. to declare 
that the intent of the said order was, that the Standing 
Council always should be chosen out of the magistrates ; 
therefore that no such counsellor shall have any power 
as a magistrate, nor act as a magistrate, etc., except he 
be annually chosen, &c, according to the Patent ; and 
this order was after passed by vote, and put a stop to 
any further agitation about that matter. 

That which led those of the Council to yield to this 
desire of the deputies, was because it concerned them- 
selves ; . and they did more study to remove those 
jealousies out of the people's heads, than to preserve any 
power or dignity to themselves above others. 

One great occasion also of those jealousies was a 
secret envy in some spirits against Mr. Winthrop, because 
he was so often chosen Governor, (though no oftener 
than his worth deserved, and the condition of the Colony 
needed,) a place which he did never ambitiously seek, 
yea, did at this time unfeignedly desire to be forborne, 
if it might have been, that he might have had leisure to 
attend his family concerns, wherein he suffered much in 
those days, as is well known, both by the unskilfulness 
and unfaithfulness of him w 7 hom he trusted to manage 
his farm and estate. And at that time the straits of the 
whole country were such, that every Plantation and family 
had enough to do, to know how to subsist, till the provi- 
dence of God put them into another way of livelihood 
than formerly they had been acquainted with. 

About this time 1 it was that divers of the inhabitants of 
Lynn, rinding themselves straitened, looked out for a 
new Plantation ; and going to Long Island, they agreed 

> In June, 1640.— h. 


with the Lord Starling's agent there, (one Mr. HForheadll 1 ) 
for a parcel of the Isle near the west end, and agreed 
with the Indians for their right. The Dutch hearing of 
this, and laying claim to that part of the Island, by a former 
purchase from the Indians, sent men to take possession 
of the place, and set up the arms of the Prince of 
Orange upon a tree. The Lynn men sent ten or twelve 
men with provisions, &c, who began to build, and took 
down the Prince's arms, and in the place thereof an 
Indian had drawn an unhandsome face. The Dutch took 
this in high displeasure, and sent soldiers, who fetched 
away the Lynn men, and imprisoned them a few days, 
not discharging them without taking an oath. Upon 
this the Lynn men, (finding themselves too weak, and 
having no encouragement to expect aid from the English,) 
deserted that place, and took another at the east end of 
the Island ; and, being now about forty families, they 
proceeded in their Plantation, and called one Mr. Peirson, 2 
a man of good learning, and eminent piety, a mem- 
ber of Boston church, to go with them ; who, with 
seven or eight more of the company, gathered into a 
church body at Lynn before they went, and the whole 
company entered into a civil combination, with the ad- 
vice of some of the magistrates of the Bay, to become a 
corporation. Upon this occasion the Dutch Governor, 
one H 2 KyrTe|| 3 (a discreet man,) wrote to the Governor at 
Boston, of the English usurpations, both at Connecticut, 
and now also at Long Island, and of the abuse offered to 
the Prince's arms, &c, and thereupon excused his im- 
prisoning their men. To which the Governor of the 
Massachusetts returned answer, that their desire had 
been always to hold a peace and good correspondency 
with all their neighbors ; and though they would not 
maintain any of their countrymen in any unjust action, 
yet they might not suffer them to be injured, &c. As 
for their neighbors of Connecticut, he knew they 
were not now under their government as formerly ; and 
for those of Long Island, they went voluntarily from 

S| Fochead ]| H 2 Kieff|| 

1 " James Forrett, Gentleman." Sav. Win. ii. 4-5. — h. 

2 Rev. Abraham Pierson. Ibid. 6.— h. 5 William Kieft.— ii. 


them : with which, it is supposed, he rested satisfied, so 
as the Plantation at that place, (called South-Hampton,) 
went on comfortably, without any let or molestation from 
them afterwards. 

In this present year, 1640, there came over great store 
of provisions, both out of England and Ireland, and but 
few passengers, and those brought very little money ; 
w 7 hich was occasioned by the store of money and 
quick markets the merchants found there, the two or 
three years before. So as now all their money being 
drained away, cattle and all commodities grew exceeding 
cheap ; which enforced them, the next General Court, 1 
to make an order, that corn should pass in payment of 
new debts ; Indian at 45. per bushel, rye at 55., wheat at 
65. ; and that, upon all executions for former debts, the 
creditor might take what goods he pleased, (or if he had 
no goods, then his lands,) to be appraised by three men, 
one chosen by the creditor, one by the debtor, and the 
third by the Marshal. On such occasion were particular 
orders made in the General Court ; but lasted no longer 
than the present exigent continued. For the people, 
having long desired a body of laws, and thought their 
condition very unsafe while so much power rested in 
the discretion of the magistrates, prevailed at the last to 
have the matter committed to two divines, 2 each of whom 
formed a model ; which were presented to the General 
Court, 1639, and by them committed to the Governor 
and Deputy, with some others, to be considered of; and 
which, after longer deliberation and preparation, were 
confirmed by the authority of the next General Court, 
1641. This matter had been long before under debate, 
(yet it may be not long enough,) and referred to some of 
the magistrates, and some of the ministers, but still it 
came to no effect ; for being committed to the care of 
many, whatsoever was done by some (as is usual in such 
cases) was still disliked by others ; till at the last, falling 
into two hands, it was soon after put to an issue in the 
said year. A model of Moses's Judicials, compiled in 
an exact method, had been presented to the General Court 

1 In October. — h. 

* John Cotton and Nathaniel Ward. See Sav. Win. i. 322, ii. 55.— h. 


in October, 1636. x But other emergent difficulties then 
falling in, the business was not revived till the end of 
this lustre, and not completely finished till the beginning 
of the next. 2 

As for the College, 3 which was erected in the year 
1638, it was matter of great encouragement to those 
who had laid out their estates, and hazarded their lives, 
to make a settled Plantation here, to see one of the 
Schools of the Prophets set up ; that from thence they 
might be supplied with persons fit to manage the affairs 
both of church and state, at such a time when a supply 
was like to fail elsewhere. But herein they were very 
unhappy, that the first man who was called to preside 
there so much failed the expectation of those that re- 
posed so much confidence in him ; viz. Mr. Nathaniel 
Eaton, who proved a mere Orbilius, and fitter to have 
been an officer in the inquisition, or master of an house 
of correction, than an instructer of Christian youth. It 
was said that he had been initiated among the Jesuits, 
though he was sent over into Holland for the sake of 
Doctor Ames ; but, having that opportunity, he might 
easily acquaint himself with the other, and from thence 
receive those principles of avarice, pride, and cruelty, 
which here he began to practise. But being so notorious 
in the discovery thereof, he was convented before the 
Court, in September, 1639, where he was put out of his 
place, fined an hundred marks, and adjudged to give 
£30 to Mr. Briscoe, (whom he had taken into his family 
to assist him in the nature of an usher,) for his cruel and 
unmerciful beating of him with a cudgel, causing two 
men to hold him the mean time. After this he fled out 
of the country, and could by no means be reduced to an 
acknowledgment of his error. 4 After his departure, one 
Mr. Henry Dunster was called to the place, under whom 
that which was before but, at the best, Schola Illustris, 
grew to the stature or perfection of a College, and 
flourished in the profession of all liberal sciences for 
many years after. 

This and the former lustre were the golden age of 

1 By John Cotton. Sav.Win. i. 202.— h. 2 See Hutchinson, i. 384-403.— h. 
3 See pages 237, 372.— h. 4 See Sav. Win. i. 308-13, ii. 22, 342.— h. 



New England, when vice was crushed, as well by the 
civil, as sacred sword ; especially oppression, and extor- 
tion in prices and wages, which is injustice done to the 
public. There was some exemplary punishment ad- 
judged to some offenders in this kind, in the year 1639, 
for selling above 33/. per cent. ; but since that time the 
common practice of the country hath made double that 
advance no sin ; an evil which, though every one feels 
the burthen of, yet none know how to ease themselves 
thereof. A remarkable instance was that year given in 
one ||E. P. || 1 who, for asking an excessive price for a pair 
of stocks which he was hired to frame, had the honor to 
sit an hour in them first himself, to warn others not to 
offend in the like kind. 


John Oldham murdered by the Indians of Block Island ; 
how discovered, and the war that followed thereupon 
with them, and the Pequods, their abettors. 

Captain Stone was killed by the Pequods in the year 
1634, which they excused with false pretence, earnestly 
soliciting the Massachusetts to make a peace with them. 2 
But in the year 1636 John Oldham's death was so mani- 
fest, that it could neither be concealed nor excused : 
the discovery whereof being remarkable, was as fol- 
loweth. One J. Gallop, with one man more, and two 
boys, coming from Connecticut, and intending to put in 
at Long Island, as he came from thence, being at the 
mouth of the harbor, was forced, by a sudden change of 
the wind to bear up for Block Island, or Fisher's Island, 
where, as they were sailing along, they met with a pin- 
nace, which they found to be John Oldham's, who had 
been sent to trade with the Pequods, (to make trial of 
the reality of their pretended friendship, after the murder 
of Captain Stone.) They hailed the vessel, but had no 
answer, although they saw the deck full of Indians, 
(fourteen in all,) and a little before that had seen a canoe 
go from the vessel full of Indians likewise, and goods. 

11 F. P. 1| 

1 Edward Palmer. Sav. Win. ii. 71.— h. 2 See page 176.— h. 


Whereupon they suspected they had killed John Oldham, 
who had only two boys and two Narrhaganset Indians in 
his vessel besides himself, and the rather, because they 
let slip and set up sail, (being two miles from shore, the 
wind and tide coming off the shore of the island, whereby 
they drave toward the main land of Narrhaganset.) 
Therefore they went ahead of them, and having nothing 
but two pieces and two pistols, they bore up near the 
Indians, who stood on the deck of the vessel, ready armed 
with guns, swords, and pikes. But John Gallop, a 
man of stout courage, let fly among them, and so galled 
them, that they got all down under hatches ; and then 
they stood off again, and returning with a good gale, 
they stemmed her upon the quarter, and almost overset 
her; which so afTrightened the Indians, ||as|| six of them 
leaped overboard and were drowned. Yet they durst not 
board her, but stood off again, and fitted their anchor, so 
as, stemming her the second time, they bored her bow 
through with their anchor, and sticking fast to her, they 
made divers shot through the sides of her, and so raked 
her fore and aft, (being but inch board,) as they must 
needs kill or hurt some of the Indians ; but seeing none 
of them come forth, they got loose from her, and then 
stood off again ; then four or five more of the Indians 
leaped into the sea, and were likewise drowned. Where- 
upon, there being but four left in her, they boarded her; 
whereupon an Indian came up and yielded ; him they 
bound, and put into the hold. Then another yielded ; 
him they also bound. But J. Gallop, being well ac- 
quainted with their skill to unloose one another, if they 
lay near together, and having no place to keep them 
asunder, he flung him bound into the sea ; then, looking 
about, they found John Oldham under an old sail, stark 
naked, having his head cleft to the brains, his hands and 
legs cut as if they had been cutting them off, yet warm ; 
so they put him into the sea ; but could not well tell 
how to come at the other two Indians, (who were in a 
little room underneath with their swords.) So they took 
the goods which were left, and the sails, and towed the 
boat away ; but night coming on, and the wind rising, 
they were forced to turn her off, and the wind carried 

H that || 



her to the Narrhaganset shore, where they left her ; *but 
what became of those two, hid in the vessel, is not said.* 

On the 26th of said July the two Indians which were 
with John Oldham, and one other Indian, came from 
Canonicus, (the chief sachem of the Narrhagansets,) with 
a letter from Mr. Williams, to signify what had befallen 
John Oldham, and how grievously they were offended ; 
and that Miantonimo, (the second sachem of the Narrha- 
gansets,) was gone with seventeen canoes and two hun- 
dred men to take revenge, But upon examination of 
the other Indian, who was brought prisoner to them, 
they found that all the sachems of the Narrhagansets, 
except Canonicus and Miantonimo, were contrivers of 
John Oldham's death ; and the occasion was, because he 
went to make peace and trade with the Pequods last 
year. The prisoner said also that Oldham's two Indians 
were acquainted with it ; but, because they were sent as 
messengers from Canonicus, they would not imprison 
them. But the Governor wrote back to Mr. Williams, 
to let the Narrhagansets know, they expected they should 
send home J. Oldham's two boys, and take revenge 
upon the islanders ; and withal gave Mr. Williams caution 
to look to himself, if there should be occasion to make 
war with the Narrhagansets, (for Block Island was under 
them.) And the next day he wrote to Canonicus, by one 
of those Indians, that he had suspicion of him that was 
sent, and yet he had sent him back, because he was a 
messenger ; but did expect, if he should send for the 
said two Indians, he should send them to him. 

Four days after J. Oldham's two boys were sent 
home by one of Miantonimo's men, with a letter from 
Mr. Williams, that Miantonimo had caused the sachem 
of Niantick to send to Block Island for them, and that he 
had near one hundred fathom of Peag, and much other 
goods of Oldham's, which should be reserved for them : 
and three of the seven, that were drowned, were sachems, 
and that one of the two, which were hired by the Niantick 
sachem, was dead also. So they wrote back to have the 
rest of those which were || accessary || * to be sent, and the 

|| necessary || 

This word is dubious ; I have given it as it should be — h. 


rest of the goods ; and that he should tell Canonicus and 
Miantonimo that they held them innocent, but the six 
other sachems were guilty. 

Lieutenant Gibbons and Mr. Higginson 1 were sent soon 
after, 2 with ||Cutshammakin,|| * the sachem of the Mas- 
sachusetts, to Canonicus, to treat with him about the 
murder of J. Oldham. They returned 3 with acceptance 
and good success of their business ; observing in the 
sachem much state, great command of his men, and 
marvellous wisdom in his answers and in the carriage of 
the whole treaty, clearing himself and his neighbors of 
the murder, and offering revenge of it, yet upon very safe 
and wary conditions. 

The Governor and Council having soon after assem- 
bled the rest of the magistrates, and the ministers, to ad- 
vise with them about doing justice for Oldham's death, 
they all agreed that it should be done with all expedition : 
and accordingly, on the 25th of August following, eighty 
or ninety men were sent out under the command of Mr. 
Endicot, 4 as is declared in the narrative of the war with 
the Pequods. 

The Narrhagansets told them afterwards, that there 
were thirteen Pequods, killed in the expedition, and forty 
wounded, and but one of the Block Islanders slain. 

Miantonimo soon after 5 sent a messenger to them, with 
a letter from Mr. Williams, to signify that they had 
taken one of the Indians, who had broken prison, and had 
him safe for them, when they should send for him, (as 
they had before sent to him for that end,) and that the 
other had stolen away, (not knowing, it seems, that he 
was their prisoner,) and that, according to their promise, 
they would not entertain any of that island, which should 
come to them : but they conceived it was rather in love 
to him whom they concealed, for he had been his servant 
formerly. But when they sent for those two Indians, 
one was sent them, but the other was said to be dead 
before the messenger came. But the Pequods harbored 

* Cushamaquin, Hutch. Kitchmakin, Blake. Culshamoquin, Eliot. — Ed. 

|| Cushammakin || 

1 Edward Gibbons and Rev. John Higginson. — h. 2 Aug. 8th. — h. 

3 Aug. 13th.— h. 4 See Sav. Win. i. 192, 194-5,— h. 5 Aug. 26th.— h 


those of Block Island, and therefore justly brought the 
revenge of the English upon them. 

Amongst those soldiers, that were sent under Captain 
Endicot, were twenty that belonged to Saybrook Fort, 
and were appointed to stay there, to defend the place 
against the Pequods. After the said Captain and the rest 
were departed, those twenty lay wind bound in the Pe- 
quod harbor ; and in the meanwhile went all of them 
ashore, with sacks, to fetch some of the Pequods' corn. 
And having fetched each man one sack full to their boat, 
they returned for more, and having loaded themselves, 
the Indians set upon them. So they laid down their corn 
and gave fire upon the Indians, and the Indians shot 
their arrows against them. The place was open about the 
distance of a musket shot. The Indians kept the covert, 
save when they came forth, ten at a time, and dis- 
charged their arrows. The English put themselves in a 
single file, and some ten only, that had pieces that could 
reach them, shot ; the others stood ready to keep them 
from breaking in. So they continued most part of the 
afternoon. The English, as they supposed, killed divers 
of them, and hurt others, and the Indians wounded but 
one of the English, who was armed, all the rest being 
without. For they shot their arrows compass wise, so 
as they could easily see and avoid them standing single ; 
and one always gathered up their arrows. At the last, the 
Indians being weary of the sport, gave the English leave 
to retire to their boat. This was in October, 1636. 

About two days after, five men of Saybrook went up 
the river about four miles, to fetch hay out of a meadow 
on the Pequod side. The grass was so high as some Pe- 
quods, hiding themselves in it, set upon the English be- 
fore they were aware, and took one that had hay on his 
back. The rest fled to their boat : one of them had five 
arrows in him, yet recovered. He that was taken was a 
goodly young man, whose name was Butterfield, where- 
upon the meadow was ever after called Butterfleld's 

" Icarus Icariis nomina dedit aquis." ' 

About fourteen days after, six of the soldiers were 
sent out of the fort to keep an house, which they had set 

1 Ovid, Eleg. Lib. i. 1, 90.— h. 


up in a corn field, about two miles from the Fort. Three 
of them went forth a fowling, which the Lieutenant 1 had 
strictly forbidden them ; two had pieces, and the third 
only a sword ; when suddenly about an hundred Indians 
came out of the covert, and set upon them. He who had 
the sword brake through, and received only two shot, 
and those not dangerous, and so escaped to the house, 
which was not ^above^ a bow-shot off, and persuaded 
the other two to follow him ; but they staid still, till the 
Indians came and took them, and carried them away with 
their pieces. Soon after they beat 2 down the said house 
and out houses, and haystacks, and within a bow-shot 
of the fort killed a cow, and shot divers others, which 
came home with arrows sticking in them. 

Soon after this, 3 Miantonimo, sachem of the Narrha- 
gansets, came to Boston, (being sent for by the Governor,) 
with two of Canonicus's sons, and another sachem, 
and near twenty of their men, whom they call sannaps. 
The Governor having notice by Cushamakin, the Mas- 
sachusetts Governor, 4 sent twenty musketeers to Rox- 
bury to meet them. They came to Boston about noon, 
where the Governor had called together all the magis- 
trates and ministers to give countenance to their pro- 
ceedings, and to advise about the terms of peace. After 
dinner Miantonimo declared what he had to say to 
them, in several propositions, which were to this effect : 
That they had always loved the English, and now desired 
a firm peace with them, and that they would continue 
war with the Pequods and their confederates, till they 
were subdued, and desired the English would do so 
too ; promising to deliver their enemies to them, or kill 
them, and two months after to send them a present. The 
Governor told them they should have an answer the 
next morning, which was done, upon Articles subscribed 
by him ; and they also subscribed w 7 ith him, wherein a 
firm peace was concluded : but because they could not 
make them well understand the Articles, they told them 
they would send a copy of them to Mr. Williams, who 
could best interpret the same to them. So, after dinner, 

1 Lyon Gardiner. See page 179 ; Trumbull, i. 76. — h. 

2 Should be, burnt. Sav, Win. i. 198.— h. 3 Oct. 21st.— h. 
4 The word should probably be Sachem. — h. 


they took leave, and were conveyed out of town by 
some musketeers, and dismissed with a volley of shot. 
The Articles here follow. 

1. A firm peace betwixt them and their friends on 
either part, (if they consent,) and their confederates, (if 
they will observe the Articles,) and their posterity. 

2. Neither party 1 to make peace with the Pequods 
without the other's consent. 

3. Not to harbor any of the Pequods. 

4. To put to death or deliver up any of the murderers 
of the English. 

5. To return fugitive servants. 

6. The English to give them notice when they go 
out against the Pequods, and the other to send them 

7. Free trade to be between them. 

8. None of them to come near the English Planta- 
tions, during the war with the Pequods, without some 
Englishman or known Indian. 

9. To continue to the posterity of both parties. 1 
These Articles were indifferently well observed by the 

Narrhagansets, till the Pequods, their mortal enemies, 
were totally subdued ; but then they began to grow in- 
solent and treacherous, especially this Miantonimo him- 
self, as will appear in the sequel. 

Cushamakin also, the sachem of the Massachusetts, 
subscribed those Articles with the English. 

The issue of the Pequod War is related in a discourse 
by itself, which may be annexed to this history, and 
therefore is. here passed over, only with this intimation, 
that they were wholly rooted out of their country, or 
made to shelter themselves under the neighboring sa- 
chems. About seven hundred of them [were] thought 
to be destroyed ; and Sassachus, their chief sachem, 
flying with twenty of his men, that escaped at the last 
fight, to the Mohawks, were all killed by them, and 
Sassacus's scalp sent down to the English. 

On the 12th of July, 1637, one Aganemo, 2 a sachem of 
the Niantick Indians, (who were a branch of the Narrha- 

1 Part and parts in the MS. — h. 2 Ayanemo, says Winthrop. — h. 


gansets,) came to Boston with seventeen of his men. He 
made divers propositions to the English, which they took 
into consideration, and promised to give him an answer 
the next day. But finding that he had received 1 divers 
of the Pequods, submitting to him since the last defeat, 
they first demand the delivery of them, which he sticking 
at, they refused further conference with him ; but the 
next morning he came and offered what they desired. 
So the Governor referred him to the captains at the Pe- 
quod Country, and wrote instructions to them how to deal 
with him. So, receiving his ten fathom of Wampam, 
they friendly dismissed him. 

In July, 1638, Uncus, the sachem of the Mohegins, 
having entertained some of the Pequods, came to the 
Governor, at Boston, with a present, and was much de- 
jected because that it was not at first accepted. But after- 
ward, the Governor and Council being satisfied about 
his innocency, they accepted it ; whereupon he promised 
to submit to the order of the English, both touching the 
Pequods he had received, and as concerning the differ- 
ences betwixt the Narrhagansets and himself, and con- 
firmed all with his compliment : " This heart," said he, 
(laying his hand upon his heart,) " is not mine, but yours ; 
command me any difficult service, and I will do it ; I 
have no men, but they are all yours ; I will never believe 
any Indian against the English any more." And so he 
continued forever after, as may be seen in the following 
transactions between the Indians and the English : where- 
upon he was dismissed with some small reward, and 
went home very joyful, carrying a letter of protection, for 
himself and his men, through the English Plantations. 


The state of affairs in the Massachusetts, Anno 1636, 
while Mr. Vane was Governor. 

With how much applause soever Mr. Vane was ad- 
vanced to the Governor's place, and, at the first, managed 
the same, yet, in the latter end of the year, perceiving 

1 Rescued in the MS. — h. 


that there was much discontent, in the minds of men. 
occasioned by different opinions in religion, then stirring 
in the country, the blame of which was, in a great measure, 
imputed to himself, he grew weary of the government, 
and was ready to take any occasion [which] offered to be 
freed therefrom. For in December, receiving letters 
from his friends, which necessarily required his presence 
there, he imparted the same to the Council, (which at 
that time consisted but of two, besides himself, 1 ) and 
some others ; and thereupon, being resolved of his return 
for England, he called a Court of Deputies, to the end he 
might have free leave of the country. They being 
assembled in Court, and himself declaring the necessity 
of his departure, and those of the Council affirming the 
reasons to be very urgent, though not fit to be imparted 
to the whole Court, they desired respite to consider thereof 
till the morning ; when, being assembled again, one of 
the Assistants using some pathetical expressions of the 
loss of such a Governor in time of such danger as did 
hang over them from the Indians and Frenchmen, the 
Governor brake forth into tears, and professed that, 
howsoever the causes, propounded for his departure did 
concern the utter ruin of his outward estate, yet he would 
rather have hazarded all, than have gone from them at such 
a time, if something else had not pressed him more, viz., 
the inevitable danger of God's judgments, which he feared 
were coming upon them, for the differences and dissen- 
sions which he saw amongst them, and the scandalous 
imputation brought upon, himself, as if he should be 
the cause of all ; and therefore he thought it were best 
for him to give place for a time. Upon this the Court 
concluded it would not be fit to give way to his departure 
upon those grounds ; whereupon he recalled himself, 
and professed that the reasons concerning his own 
estate were sufficient, (to his own satisfaction,) for his 
departure, and therefore desired the Court he might have 
leave to go ; as for the other passage, it slipped from him 
out of passion, and not out of judgment : upon this the 
Court consented, silently, to his departure. And in point 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 207.— h. 


of prudence it had been much better for himself, as well 
as for the country, to have taken that occasion of remov- 
ing, rather than to have been, in a manner, thrust away, 
as things fell out afterwards ; but man knoweth not his 
time. But then the question in the Court was about 
supply of his place. Some were of opinion that it should 
be executed by the Deputy ; but this scruple being cast 
in, that if the Deputy should die, then the government 
would be vacated, and none have power to call a Court, 
or preside therein, it was agreed therefore to call a Court 
of Election, for a new Governor and Deputy, in case the 
present Deputy should be chosen Governor : and an 
order was made, (in regard of the season,) that such as 
would might send their votes by proxy, in papers sealed 
up, and delivered to the deputies. And so their Court 
was adjourned four days, and two days after, the Court of 
Election was to assemble. These things having thus 
passed in the Court, divers of the congregation at Boston 
met together, and agreed that they did not apprehend 
the necessity of the Governor's departure upon the reasons 
alleged, and sent some of them to declare the same 
to the Court ; whereby it may be observed, by the way, 
that politicians were not much mistaken, when they 
accounted that the crosier as well as the distaff, (i. e. that 
persons led by their private passions and particular in- 
terests,) would always be found but as a broken reed for 
a State to lean upon. But to return : by these insinua- 
tions the Governor was <so overpowered, that he ex- 
pressed himself to be such an obedient child of the 
church, that, notwithstanding the license of the Court, yet, 
without the leave of the church, he durst not go away. 
Whereupon a great part of the Court and country, who 
understood hereof, declared their purpose to continue 
him still in his place : and therefore so soon as the day 
of election came, and the countrymen assembled, it was 
thought the best way for avoiding of trouble not to pro- 
ceed to election, but to adjourn the Court, intended for 
election, to the great General Court in May. And so 
the Court of Deputies continued still to consider of such 
things, as were then most needful to be attended ; which 
were the differences up and down the country in matters 


of religion, which ||at that time had|| so far prevailed, that 
men's affections began strongly to be engaged in them, 
so as if at any time any matter about those new opinions 
was mentioned in the Court, they were presently di- 
vided, although far the greater part held firm to their 
former principles. And at the General Court, held at 
Boston, March 9th, 1636, so much heat of contention 
appeared between the opposite parties, that it was moved 
that the next General Court, which was the Court of 
Election, might be kept at New-Town, which went so 
against the grain with Mr. Vane, the Governor, that he 
refused to put it to vote ; nor was the Deputy forward to 
do it, except the Court would require him, because he 
dwelt at Boston ; so the Court put it to Mr. Endicot, 
who putting it to vote, it was presently carried in the 
affirmative : and accordingly that next Court of Election, 
which fell on the 17th day of May, was kept at New- 
Town, Anno || 2 1 G37. |] x When the day came and the Court 
sat, which was not till one of the clock in the afternoon, 
a petition was preferred by those of Boston. The Gov- 
ernor was to have it read ; but the Deputy said it was out 
of order; it was a Court of Election, and that must first 
be dispatched, (as had been done once before, when the 
reading of petitions was laid aside till the election was 
over,) and then the petition should be heard. Divers 
others also opposed that course, as an ill precedent ; and 
the petition, being about pretence of liberty, (though in- 
tended chiefly for revoking the sentence at the last Court, 
passed against Mr. Wheelwright,) would have spent all 
the day in debate. But yet the Governor, and those of 
that party, would not proceed to election, except the 
petition were read. Much time was already spent about 
the debate, and the people crying out for election, it was 
moved by the Deputy that the people should divide 
themselves, and the greater number must carry it. And 
so it was done, and the greater number by many was 
for election. But the Governor and that side kept their 
places still, and would not proceed ; whereupon the 

|| had at that time || || 2 1636 || » 

1 The figures are almost obliterated from the MS; I think it was as now 
printed— the above is, at all events, the true date. — h. 


Deputy told him, that if he would not go to election, he and 
the rest of that side would proceed. Upon that he came 
from his company, and they went to election, and Mr. 
Winthrop was chosen Governor, Mr. Dudley Deputy 
Governor, and Mr. Endicot of the Standing Council ; 
and Mr. Israel Stoughton, and Mr. Richard Saltonstall 
were called to be Assistants ; and Mr. Vane, and Mr. 
Haugh, and Mr. Dummer, and Mr. Coddington, 1 (being 
all of one ||persuasion|| in the matters of difference,) were 
left quite out. There was great danger of a tumult that 
day, for those of the opposite party grew into fierce 
speeches, and some began to lay hands on others, but 
seeing themselves too weak, they grew quiet. They 
expected a great advantage that day, because the remote 
towns were allowed to come in by proxy ; but it fell out 
that there were enough besides. And if it had been 
otherwise, they must have put in their deputies, (as other 
towns had done,) for all matters beside election. And 
Boston having deferred to choose their deputies till the 
election was past, went home that night, and the next 
morning sent for deputies, Mr. Vane, the late Governor, 
Mr. Coddington, and Mr. Haugh. But the Court, not 
being pleased thereat, found means to send them home 
again, because all the freemen had not notice of the time 
of their choice. But the freemen of Boston making the 
same choice the next time, they could not be rejected. 
Upon the election of the new Governor, the Serjeants, 
that had attended the former Governor to the Court with 
their halberds, (which was a respect put upon Mr. Vane, 
and never upon any Governor before,) laid them down, 
and went home, and refused to attend the Governor to 
and from the meeting on the Lord's Days, as they were 
wont ; so as the Governor made use of his own ser- 
vants in their room, to carry two halberds before him, 
(never affecting to seek great things for himself,) though 
Mr. Vane had never less than four. The country 
|| 2 proffered 1 1 to supply the defect of Boston, but the 
Governor made use of his own servants. 

|| profession || || * preferred |] 

1 Atherton Haugh, (pronounced Hoffe,) Richard Dummer, and William 
Coddington. — h. 



Mr. Vane, howsoever he had forced himself to put on 
so much self-denial, as to sit among the deputies, who 
the year before had been the Governor, (not being un- 
willing, as he professed, to serve the church of God in 
the meanest capacity,) showed much discontent that the 
people had left him out of all public office ; of which 
he made evident proof by seating himself, the next Lord's 
Day, among the deacons, as did Mr. Coddington also, 
though he had used, ever since he came first into the 
country, to sit among the magistrates, and was at this- 
time sent to, by the Governor, to sit with him. And 
upon the general fast soon after, he and some others, viz. 
Mr. Coddington, &c, went from Boston to keep the day 
at the Mount, where Mr. Wheelwright exercised. 

A further occasion of the discontent of that party was 
an order, made at that session of the Court, imposing a 
penalty upon any such as should entertain such as were 
not allowed by some of the magistrates; it being probable 
that they expected many of their opinion to come out of 
England to them. 

Upon the account of this order, and some other dif- 
ferences between the Governor and those of Boston, at 
his return from the Court none of them met him, nor 
would any of the four Serjeants, that used to attend the 
former Governor to all public meetings, do any such 
office to him, alleging that they had done it to the former 
Governor voluntarily, in respect of his person, and not 
of his place. But herein they shewed more of stomach 
than wisdom ; for a compliment of honor, once con- 
ferred on any office, (though voluntarily,) cannot after 
be taken away without contempt and injury ; it is the 
place that drowns the person, be he honorable or base. 
But the Governor, being a wise man, could easily over- 
look these things; and in a little time, those that were 
so disgusted against him, put more honor upon him 
than ever before. They that honor God shall be hon- 
ored of him. For, in the end of the year 1639, there 
appeared a great change in the church ||of || Boston ; for 
whereas they were, the year or two before, so || 2 afFected|| to 

II at II II 2 attached || 


Mr. Wheelwright and ||Mrs.|| Hutchinson, and those new 
opinions, as thej extremely slighted both him and Mr. 
Wilson, their pastor, looking at them as men under a 
covenant of works, and as their greatest enemies ; but they 
bearing all patiently, and not withdrawing themselves, 
(as they were strongly solicited to have done,) but car- 
rying themselves lovingly and helpfully upon all occa- 
sions, the Lord brought about the hearts of all the people 
to love and esteem them more than ever before, so as 
all breaches were then made up, and the church saved 
from ruin, beyond all expectation ; which could in reason 
hardly have been, if those two had not been guided by 
the Lord to that moderation, &c. And the church at 
this time, to manifest their hearty affection to the Gov- 
ernor, (upon the occasion of some straits he was brought 
into, through the unfaithfulness of his bailiff, 1 ) sent him 
£200, as an undoubted testimony thereof. 2 

And during the present || 2 disaffection|| of them about 
Boston, the other towns no whit abated, but rather 
abounded, in their respect to the said Governor, guarding 
of him from town to town, as he travelled that summer, 3 
1637, to Ipswich ; the inhabitants coming to meet him 
in every place as he passed along, though it were neither 
desired nor expected by himself. 

There was news this year of a Commission granted in 
England to divers gentlemen on the place for the gov- 
erning New England ; but instead thereof they received 
a commission from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to govern 
his Province of New Somersetshire, or the Province 
of Maine, which is from Pascataqua River to Sagade- 
hock ; and withal to oversee his servants and private 
affairs, which was not a little wondered at by some, that 
knew how he had carried it towards the Massachusetts 
before. But it passed in silence, they excusing them- 
selves from intermeddling in his business, because, of five 
or six named in the said commission, there was one mis- 
taken, and another removed to Connecticut ; nor did it 
appear to them what authority he had to grant such a 

|| Mr. J| || 2 dissatisfaction || 

1 Reuben? Luxford. Sav. Win. ii. 361; Farmer. — h. 

9 See Sav. Win. i. 323, ii. 3-4.— h. ■ In June. Sav. Win. i. 227.— h 


commission. But as for the Commission from the King, 
they received only a copy of it ; the Commission itself 
staid at the seal, for want of paying the fees by them 
that procured it. 

In the latter end of the summer, 1 1637, Mr. Vane re- 
turned for England, and the Lord Ley, a (son of the Earl 
of Marlborough, who came the same year to see the 
country, 2 ) in his company. He had great respect shown 
him at his departure, by several volleys of shot from the 
footsoldiers, that accompanied him to the boat, which he 
deserved as a gentleman of good deportment; the Gov- 
ernor also, then being at the Court at New-Town, yet 
left order with the captains for his honorable dismission. 


Troublesome occurrences in New England, in the years 
1637, 1638. Their Patent undermined by some in 
England ; demanded by the Lords of the Committee 
for Foreign Plantations; the answer of the Massa- 

On the 26th of June, 1637, arrived two great ships 
from London, with whom came Mr. Eaton and Mr. 
Hopkins, 3 merchants of London, men of fair estates and 
of great esteem for religion, and wisdom in other 4 affairs, 
with the reverend and famous Mr. Davenport, 5 and 
other ministers and people of good note: who the next 
year removed out of this jurisdiction, to plant beyond 
Connecticut, being much taken with an opinion of the 
fruitfulness of the place, and with the remoteness from 
the Massachusetts; hoping thereby to be out of the 
reach of a General Governor, which at that time was 
much spoken of. It was at first feared to prove a great 
weakening to the Massachusetts Colony ; but since, they 
have taken notice of a special providence of God therein. 
All possible means had been used to accommodate 
them there ; Newberry offered them their whole town, 
and the Court any place that was free ; but they desired 
a greater breadth than there could be afforded. But 

1 In August.— h. "He arrived at Boston, June 26th. Sav. Win. L 

229, 232, 234 — h. ■ Theophilus Eaton and Edward Hopkins.— h. 

4 First written outward. — h. 5 Rev. John Davenport. — h. 


their removal to the southward was looked upon, after- 
ward, as advantageous, both for possessing those parts 
which lay open for an enemy, and for strengthening their 
friends at Connecticut, and for making room for others 
who were daily expected out of England. It was ac- 
counted that twenty ships arrived there in the year 1638, 
who brought about three thousand passengers with them, 1 
who might the more easily, some of them, be accommoda- 
ted about the Bay, when others were so far removed before. 

The coming in of these ships was the more joyfully 
received, because many this year were afraid of a stop, 
in England, to the coming of any ships at all, by reason 
of the complaints made against them in the year 1632,* 
forementioned, and about this time renewed, especially 
by Mr. Burdet, 2 of Pascataqua ; a copy of whose letter 
to the Archbishop was found in his study, to this effect ; — 
that he delayed to go || into || England, that he might fully 
inform himself of the state of the place as to allegiance, 
for it was not new discipline that was aimed at, but sove- 
reignty ; and that it was accounted perjury and treason 
in their General Court to speak of appeals to the King. 
By the first ships that came this year, a letter came from 
the Archbishop to the said Burdet, rendering him thanks 
for the care of his Majesty's service, and that they would 
take a time for the redress of such disorders, as he in- 
formed them of; but, by reason of much business that 
now lay upon them, they could not, at this time, accom- 
plish his desire. This letter to Burdet was, by some 
strange Providence, shown to the Governor of the Mas- 
sachusetts, as was a copy of his letter to the Archbishop, 
whereby his designs were discovered. 

For, it seems, complaints were still carried on against 
New England, so as in the year 1635, 3 a Commission was 
granted to several Lords to regulate the Plantation of New 
England : a copy of which here follows, together with the 
copy of the Order of the Lords Commissioners for sending 
over the Patent, with Mr. Winthrop's answer thereunto. 

_ [toj 

* 1632 or 1633. See page 151— 154.— Ed. 
1 This shows Mr. Savage to have mistaken in supposing Hubbard 
"to have been afraid to number either the ships or the passengers " which 
came over this year. — See Sav. Win. i. 268. — h. 
* Rev. George Burdet. — h. ' A mistake; it should be 1634. — h. 



A copy of the Commission for regulating Plantations. 


To the right reverend Father in God, our right trusty and well be- 
loved Counsellor, William, by divine Providence, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all England ; to our right 
trusty and well beloved Counsellor, Thomas Lord Coventry, Lord 
Keeper of || our || Great Seal of England ; to our right reverend 
Father in God, our right trusty and well beloved Counsellor, Richard, 
by divine Providence, Archbishop of York, Primate and Metropoli- 
tan of England ; [to the reverend Father in God, our right trusty 
and well beloved Counsellor, William, Bishop of London ;] to our 
right trusty and well beloved Cousins and Counsellors, Richard, Earl 
of Portland, and High Treasurer of England ; Henry, Earl of Man- 
chester, Keeper of || 2 our || Privy Seal ; Thomas, Earl of Arundel and 
Surry, Earl Marshal of England ; Edward, Earl of Dorset, Cham- 
berlain to our most dear consort, the Queen ; and to our trusty and 
well beloved Counsellors, Francis Lord Cottington, Chancellor 2 and 
Under-Treasurer of our Exchequer, [and Master of our Court of 
Wards and Liveries;] Thomas Edmonds, Knight, Treasurer of our 
Household ; [Henry Vane, Knight, Comptroller of our Household ;] 
John Cooke, Knight, one of our principal Secretaries of State, and 
Francis Windebank, [Knight,] another of our principal Secretaries 
of State : Greeting. 

Whereas divers of the subjects of us, and our late 
dear Father, King James, of famous memory, late of 
England King, by virtue of our royal authority, granted 
not only to enlarge the territories of our empire, but 
more especially to propagate the Gospel of our Lord Je- 
sus Christ, having, with exceeding industry and^charge, 
deduced great numbers of the people of England into 
sundry Colonies, in several places of the world, either 
altogether desert and unpeopled, or enjoyed by savage 
and barbarous nations, void of all manner of knowledge 
of Almighty God : We, being graciously pleased to 
provide for the ease and tranquillity of the said subjects, 
and reposing assured confidence in your fidelity, wisdom, 
justice, and providence, do constitute you, our said Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, &c, or any five or more of you, 
our Commissioners 3 ; and to you, or to any five or more 
of you, do commit and give power of protection and 
government, as well over the said English Colonies 
already planted, as over all such other Colonies, which 
by any of our people of England hereafter shall be de- 

II the [J [J 'the | 

1 Chamberlain in the MS. — h. * Counsellors in the MS.— h. 


duced into any other like parts whatsoever, and power 
to make laws, ordinances, and constitutions, concerning 
either the state public of the said Colonies, or [the] utility 
of private persons, and their lands, goods, debts, and suc- 
cession, within the precincts of the same, and for ordering 
and directing of them in their demeanors towards foreign 
Princes, and their people ; and likewise towards us and 
our subjects, within any foreign parts whatsoever, and 
during their voyages to and from the same ; and for relief 
and support of the clergy, and the rule and cure of the 
souls of our people living in those parts, and for con- 
signing of convenient maintenance unto them by tithes, 
oblations, and other profits accruing, according to your 
good discretion, [in all civil affairs, and] with the advice 
of two or three bishops, whom you shall think fit to call 
unto your consultations, touching the distribution of such 
maintenance unto the clergy, and all other matters eccle- 
siastical ; and to inflict punishment upon all offenders or 
violators of the constitutions and ordinances, either by 
imprisonment or other restraint, or by loss of life or 
member, according as the quality of the offence shall re- 
quire ; with power also, (our royal assent being there- 
unto first had and obtained,) to remove all Governors and 
Presidents of the said Colonies, (upon just cause appear- 
ing,) from their several places, and to appoint others in 
their stead, and also to require and take account of them, 
touching their office and government; and whom you 
shall find delinquents you shall punish, either by depriving 
them of their several places and provinces, over which 
they are appointed, or by pecuniary mulcts and penal- 
ties, or otherwise, according to the magnitude 1 of the 
offence; and power also to ordain temporal judges and 
civil magistrates, to determine of civil causes, with such 
powers, [and] in such a form, as to you, or any five or more 
of you, shall seem expedient ; and also to ordain judges, 
magistrates, and officers, for and concerning causes 2 
ecclesiastical, with such power and in such form, as 
to you, or any five or more of you, bishops suffragan, 

1 Qualities in the MS.— h. 2 Courts in the MS.— h. 


with the advice of the Archbishop of Canterbury for 
the time being, shall seem meet ; and power to con- 
stitute and ordain tribunals and courts of justice, both 
ecclesiastical and civil, and to establish the forms of 
judicature, and manner of process in, and appeal from, 
the said courts, in all cases and matters, as well 
criminal as civil, both personal, real, and mixt, and 
touching the jurisdiction 1 pertaining to any courts of 
justice, ecclesiastical and civil, to judge thereof and 
determine. Provided, nevertheless, the said laws, ordi- 
nances, and constitutions, shall not be put in execution 
until our royal assent, expressed under our sign, at least, 
be first thereunto had and obtained ; the which our royal 
assent so obtained^ together with the said laws, ordi- 
nances, and constitutions, being published and proclaimed 
in the Provinces in which they are to be executed, the 
said laws, ordinances, and constitutions, from thenceforth, 
shall be in force as law, and we do hereby will and 
command all persons whom it shall concern, inviolably 
to keep and observe the same. Notwithstanding it may 
and shall be lawful to you, and every five and more of 
you, with our royal assent, the said laws, ordinances, and 
constitutions, (though so published and proclaimed as 
aforesaid,) to alter, revoke, and repeal, and other new 
laws, &c, in form aforesaid, from time to time to make 
and publish as aforesaid, and to new and growing evils 
and perils to apply new remedies, in such manner, and so 
often, as unto you shall appear to be necessary and 

Know ye moreover, that we do constitute you, the said 
Archbishop of Canterbury, &c, and every five or more 
of you, our Commissioners, 2 according to your good discre- 
tions, to hear and determine all complaints, at the in- 
stance and suit of the party grieved, w T hether it be against 
the Colonies themselves, or any Governor or officer 
of the same, or whether complaint touching wrongs ex- 
hibited or depending, either between the whole bodies 
of the Colonies, or any private member thereof, and to 
summon the parties before you, and they, or their pro- 

1 Determination in the MS. — h. s Committees in the MS. — h. 


curators or agents, being on both sides heard, finally to 
determine thereof according to justice ; giving, more- 
over, and granting to you, and any five or more of you, 
that if you shall find any officer or Governor of the 
said Colonies injuriously usurping upon the authority, 
power, or possessions of any other, or unjustly wronging 
another, or withdrawing from our allegiance, or dis- 
obeying our commands, that then it shall be lawful, 
(upon advice with ourself first had,) for the causes afore- 
said, or upon any other just reason, to remand, and cause 
the offender to return, to England, or to any other place, 
according as in your good discretions you shall think just 
and necessary. 

And we do furthermore give unto you, or any five or 
more of you, [special power and authority to cause all] 
Letters Patents, and other writings, whatsoever, granted 
for, or concerning, the planting of any Colonies, in any 
countries, provinces, islands, or territories whatsoever, 
beyond the seas [to be brought before you ;] and if, 
upon view thereof, the same shall appear to you, or 
any five or more of you, to have been surreptitiously 
and unduly obtained, or that any privileges or liberties 
therein granted be hurtful or prejudicial to us, our crown, 
or prerogative royal, or to any foreign princes, to cause 
the same, according to the laws and customs of our 
realm of England, to be revoked, and to do all other 
things which shall be necessary for the wholesome gov- 
ernment and protection of the said Colonies, and of our 
people therein abiding. 

Wherefore, we command you, that you diligently 
intend the premises, at such times and places which 
yourselves for that purpose shall appoint, charging also, 
and firmly commanding, all and singular, [the] Presidents 
of Provinces within the aforesaid Colonies now planted, or 
to be planted, and all and every the said Colonies them- 
selves, and all other persons whom it doth concern, that 
they attend you in the premises, and be obedient to your 
commands touching the same, so often, [and according 
as,] they shall be thereunto required, at their peril. In 
witness whereof, we [have] caused these our Letters to 



be made Patent. Witness ourself at Westminster, [the] 
28th day of April, in the tenth year of our reign. 1 a 

A copy of a Letter, sent by the appointment of the Lords 
of the Council to Mr. Winthrop, for the Patent of this 
Plantation to be sent to them. 

At Whitehall, April 4th, 1638. 


Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, Earl of Holland, 
Lord Keeper, Lord Cottington, 

Lord Treasurer, Mr. Treasurer, 

Lord Privy Seal, Mr. Comptroller, 

Earl Marshal, Mr. Secretary Cooke, 

Earl of Dorset, Mr. Secretary Winde- 


This day the Lords Commissioners for Foreign Plan- 
tations, taking into consideration that the petitions 
and complaints of his Majesty's subjects, planters and 
traders in New England, grow more frequent than here- 
tofore, for want of a settled and orderly government in 
those parts, and calling to mind that they had formerly 
given order, about two or three years since, to Mr. Cra- 
dock, a member of the Plantation, to cause the grant, or 
Letters-patent, for that Plantation, (alleged by him to be 
there remaining in the hands of Mr. Winthrop,) to be 
sent over hither ; and that, notwithstanding the same, the 
said Letters-patent were not, as yet, brought over : and 
their Lordships being now informed by Mr. Attorney 
General, that a Quo Warranto 2 had been by him brought, 
according to former order, against the said Patent, and 
[that] the same was proceeded to judgment against so 
many as had appeared, and that they which had not 
appeared were outlawed : 

Their Lordships, well approving of Mr. Attorney's 
care and proceeding therein, did now resolve and order 
that Mr. Meawtes, Clerk of the Council, attendant upon 
the said Commissioners for Foreign Plantations, should, 
in a letter from himself to Mr. Winthrop, inclose and 
convey this Order unto him. And their Lordships 

1 See page 273 ; Sav. Win. i. 143 ; Holmes, i. 224 

2 See page 272. — h. 

— H. 


hereby, in his Majesty's name, and according to his 
express will and pleasure, strictly require and enjoin the 
said Winthrop, or any other in whose power or custody 
the said Letters-patents are, that they fail not to transmit 
the said Patent hither by the return of the ship in which 
the order is conveyed to them; it being resolved that, in 
case of any further neglect or contempt by them shewed 
therein, their Lordships will cause a strict course to be 
taken against them, and will move his Majesty to re- 
assume into his hands the whole Plantation. 1 


The humble Petition of the Massachusetts, in JYew Eng- 
land, in the General Court there assembled, the 6th 
day of September, in the fourteenth year of the reign of 
our Sovereign Lord, King Charles. 

Whereas it hath pleased your Lordships, by Order 
of the 4th of April last, to require our Patent to be sent 
unto you, we do here humbly and sincerely profess, that 
we are ready to yield all due obedience to our Sovereign 
Lord the King's Majesty, and to your Lordships under 
him, and in this mind we left our native country, and 
according thereunto hath been our practice ever since; 
so as we are much grieved that your Lordships should 
call in our Patent, there being no cause known to us for 
that purpose, our government being settled according to 
his Majesty's grant, and we not answerable for any 
defect in other Plantations. This is that which his Ma- 
jesty's subjects do believe and profess, and therefore we 
are all humble suitors to your Lordships, that you would 
be pleased to take into further consideration our condi- 
tion, and to afford unto us the liberties of subjects, that 
we may know what is laid to our charge, and have leave 
and time to answer for ourselves before we be condemned 
as a people unworthy of his Majesty's favor or protec- 
tion. As for the Quo Warranto mentioned in the said 
Order, we do assure your Lordships, that we were never 
called to make answer to it, and if we had [been,] we 
doubt not but we have a sufficient plea to put in. 

i See page 273 ; Sav. Win. i. 269, 274.— h. 


It is not unknown to jour Lordships that we came 
into these remote parts with his Majesty's license and 
encouragement, under his Great Seal of England, and, in 
the confidence we had of the great assurance of his 
favor, we have transported our families and estates, and 
here have we built and planted, to the great enlargement 
and securing of his Majesty's dominions in these parts ; 
so as if our Patent should be now taken from us, we 
should be looked at as runagates and outlaws, and shall 
be enforced, either to remove to some other place, or to 
return to our native country again, either of which will 
put us to insuperable extremities; and these evils, (among 
others,) will necessarily follow: 

1. Many thousand souls will be exposed to ruin, being 
laid open to the injuries of all men. 

2. If we be forced to desert the place, the rest of 
the Plantations about us, (being too weak to subsist 
alone,) will, for the most part, dissolve and go along with 
us, and then will this whole country fall into the hands of 
French or Dutch, who would speedily embrace such an 

3. If we should lose all our labor and cost, and 
be deprived of those liberties which his Majesty hath 
granted us, and nothing laid to our charge, nor any 
failing to be found in us in point of allegiance, (which all 
our countrymen do take notice of, and we justify our 
faithfulness in this behalf,) it will discourage all men, 
hereafter, from the like undertakings upon confidence of 
his Majesty's royal grant. 

4. Lastly, if our Patent be taken from us, (whereby 
we suppose we may claim interest in his Majesty's 
favor and protection,) the common people here will 
conceive that his Majesty hath cast them off, and that 
hereby they are freed from their allegiance and subjec- 
tion, and thereupon will be ready to confederate them- 
selves under a new government, for their necessary safety 
and subsistence, which will be of dangerous example 
unto other Plantations, and perilous to ourselves, of in- 
curring his Majesty's displeasure, which we would by 
all means avoid. Upon these considerations we are bold 


to renew our humble supplication lo your Lordships 
that we may be suffered to live here in this wilderness, 
and that this poor Plantation, which hath found more 
favor with God than many other, may not find less favor 
from your Lordships, that our liberties should be re- 
strained, when others are enlarged; that the door should 
be kept shut || unto || us, while it stands open to all other 
Plantations; that men of ability should be debarred from 
us, while they have encouragement to other Colonies. 
We do not question your Lordship's proceedings, we only 
desire to open our griefs where the remedy is to be 
expected. If in any thing we have offended his Majesty 
and your Lordships, we humbly prostrate ourselves at 
the footstool of supreme authority. 

Let us be made the objects of his Majesty's clemency, 
and not cut off in our first appeal from all hope of favor. 
Thus, with our earnest prayers unto the King of Kings 
for long life and prosperity to his sacred Majesty, and his 
royal family, and for all honor and welfare to your Lord- 
ships, we humbly take leave. 

This is a true copy, compared with the original on file, 
as attests Edward Rawson, Secretary. 1 

The Lords Commissioners, to whom the letter above 
written from Mr. Winthrop was directed, either rested 
satisfied in what was therein alleged, and so made no 
further demand of returning the Patent ; or otherwise, 
which some think more probable, concernments of an 
higher nature intervening in that juncture of time, gave 
a supersedeas to that design and intendment. For this 
business, upon some consideration or other, had been in 
hand ever since the year 1634; though it had been 
overlooked, by the interposition, possibly, of matters of 
greater moment to this year, 1638, when the foresaid 
letter was sent over to the Governor of the Massachusetts. 
For it seems that in, or near, the year 1635, upon the 
petition of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Captain Mason, and 
others, the whole matter came to be examined before his 
Majesty and the Privy Council, at which time his Majes- 
ty was pleased to give command, that the Great Council 

II upon II 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 298-9, 305.- 



of New England, commonly called the Council of Plym- 
outh, should give an account by what authority, and by 
whose procurement, those of the Massachusetts were 
sent over. The said Council pleaded ignorance of the 
matter, which yet is not to be understood of all of them, 
for Sir Ferdinahdo Gorges's history, printed Anno 1658, 
(and himself was one of that number,) makes mention 
how himself was instrumental to procure a liberty for 
settling a colony in New England, within the limits of 
the said Council of Plymouth, and that the Earl of War- 
wick wrote to himself to condescend thereunto ; and 
thereupon, as he adds, he gave his approbation, and that 
the King was pleased to enlarge the grant of the said 
Council, and confirmed the same by the Great Seal. 1 
However, upon complaint afterwards of disturbance like 
to follow, it was ordered, by the King's command, that 
none should go over thither without license, because of 
divers sects and schisms that were said to be amongst 
them ; on which account some were not backward to 
suggest a doubt that they might shake off the royal ju- 
risdiction, as they had done the ecclesiastical govern- 

Things proceeding after this sort, the motion that 
was made by some, for the Council of Plymouth to re- 
sign up their Grand Charter, did the sooner take place ; 
so as, on the 25th of April, 1635, a Declaration 2 was put 
forth by the said Council for the surrender of their Char- 
ter, which was actually done, as it bears date on the 7th 
day of June, 1635, as is affirmed in a book, published in 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges's name. 3 Immediately thereupon 
a Quo Warranto was brought by Sir John Banks, the 
Attorney General, against the Governor, Deputy Go- 
vernor, and Assistants of the Corporation of the Massa- 
chusetts ; whereof about fourteen appearing, and disclaim- 
ing the Charter, judgment was given for the King, that 
the liberties and franchises of the said Corporation of the 
Massachusetts should be seized into the King's hands. 4 

Thereupon it is said, that afterwards, sc. May 3d, 1637, 
his Majesty did, in Council, order, that the Attorney 

1 Gorges's America, Part 2, pp. 40-1. — h. 2 See it in Hazard, i. 

390-2. — h. 3 Gorges, Part 2, pp. 42-4; see page 89 — h. 

4 See Hutchinson, i. 85 ; Coll. Papers, pp. 101-4. — h. 


General be required to call for the said Patent of the 
Massachusetts ; and accordingly a letter was sent by Mr. 
|| Meautis || in the name of the Lords of the Council, as 
is above expressed. But nothing more was done therein 
during the former King's reign; and his Majesty now 
reigning, since his coronation, confirmed the Charter of 
the Massachusetts anew, in one of his letters. 1 


Ecclesiastical affairs in the Massachusetts, from the year 
1636/0 1641. 

The affairs of the church in this next lustre of years 
were carried on after the same manner, and in the same 
method and order, as in the former, but not with the 
same quietness and peace ; nor could it be said, that 
there was no voice of axe or hammer in their temple 
work, in this space of time. The enemy was sowing 
tares in God's field, and therefore it was to be feared 
some of the servants were asleep ; of which themselves 
were not insensible, after they were awakened by the 
great troubles that were occasioned thereby. Yet not- 
withstanding, there were many churches gathered, and 
ministers ordained in them, many differences composed 
and healed ; and, at the last, error being suppressed, 
the churches were again established in truth and peace. 

The first attempt of gathering any church in the year 
1638, was at Dorchester, on the first of April ; when, the 
former pastor and most of the old church being removed 
to Connecticut, Mr. Richard Mather, with several chris- 
tians that came along with him out of Lancashire, 
having settled their habitations there, and intending to 
begin a new church, desired the approbation of the ma- 
gistrates and of the neighboring churches, (whose min- 
isters and messengers used to be always present on such 
occasions,) and were at this time there assembled for that 
end. When Mr. Mather, their intended teacher, and 
the rest of them designed for that work, had made con- 
fession of their faith, they proceeded to give an account 

|j Meawtes || 

See the letter, dated June 28, 1662, in Hutchinson's Collection of 
Papers, pp. 377-80.— s. 


of the work of God's grace on their hearts ; wherein, 
through unacquaintedness with the nature of the thing 
desired, that which was held forth by the most of them 
did not amount to full satisfaction ; so as they were ad- 
vised not to join together in church fellowship without 
some further consideration, and accordingly they did 
forbear at that present. 1 But on the 8th of September* 2 
following, being better informed about the nature of that 
which was expected from them, sc. a declaration of the 
work of their repentance, how they were brought by the 
ministry of the word, not only to look upon sin as hurt- 
ful, but as hateful, and to close with the Lord Jesus by 
a lively faith, as the Lamb of God, that came to take 
away the sin of the world, etc., they were gathered into 
a church state, with the approbation of the messengers 
of the churches, then assembled for that end. 

The 6th of April, 1637, those of Concord set a day 
apart for the ordination of their two ministers, viz. Mr. 
Jones to be their pastor, and Mr. Bulkley 3 to be their 
teacher. But neither the Governor, Mr. Vane, nor Mr. 
Cotton, nor the two ruling elders, nor any other of Bos- 
ton church would be present, because the two foremen- 
tioned ministers were looked upon, in that hour of temp- 
tation, as too legal preachers, and therefore they would 
not be present to give approbation to their ordination. 

The 20th of February, Mr. Ward, of Ipswich, having 
laid down his pastoral office, Mr. Rogers and Mr. Nor- 
ton were ordained, the one pastor, the other teacher of 
the said church. 4 

The 9th of January, 1637, divers of the ministers went 
to Weymouth, to reconcile the differences between the 
people and Mr. Jenner, 5 whom they had called thither, 
with intent to have him their pastor, and had good suc- 
cess of their prayers. For the 30th of January, 1638, 
there was a church gathered there, with the approbation 
of the magistrates and ministers. They had a church 
gathered there at Weymouth before, but could not hold 
together, nor could have any elder join or hold with them, 

* August 23. Dorchester records. Ed. 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 183-4. -h. 2 Ibid. 194.— h. 3 Rev. John 

Jones and Rev. Peter Bulkley. See p. 233; Sav. Win. i. 167, 169, 

189, 217.— h. 4 And so says Felt's Ipswich, pp. 220, 222; but 

others place Norton's ordination in 1636. — h. 5 Rev. Thomas Jenner.— h. 


because they did not begin according to the rule of the 
Gospel, as was judged ; but at this time humbling them- 
selves for it, and beginning again upon a new foundation, 
they went on with a blessing. 1 

The people of this town of Weymouth had invited 
one Mr. Lenthall 2 to come to them, with intention to call 
him to be their minister. This man, though of good 
report in England, coming hither, was found to have 
drunk in some of Mrs. Hutchinson's opinions, as of justi- 
fication before faith, &c, and opposed the custom of 
gathering of churches in such a way of mutual astipula- 
tion as was then practised. From the former he was soon 
taken off by conference with Mr. Cotton, but he stuck 
close to the other, that only baptism was the door of 
entrance into the visible church, &,c., so as the common 
sort of people did eagerly embrace his opinion ; and 
some labored to get such a church on foot, as all bap- 
tized ones might communicate in, without any further 
trial of them, &c. For this end they procured many 
hands in Weymouth to a blank, intending to have Mr. 
LenthalPs advice to the form of their call ; and he, like- 
wise, was very forward to become a minister to them in 
such a way, and did openly maintain the cause. But 
the magistrates, hearing of this disturbance and combina- 
tion, thought it needful to stop it betimes, and therefore 
they called Mr. Lenthall, and the chief of the faction, to the 
next General Court, in March ; where Mr. Lenthall, hav- 
ing before conferred with some of the magistrates and 
ministers, and being convinced of his error in judgment, 
and his sin in practice, to the disturbance of their peace, 
&x., did openly and freely retract, with expression of 
much grief of heart for his offence, and did deliver his 
retractation in writing, under his hand, in open Court ; 
whereupon he was enjoined to appear at the next Court, 
and, in the mean time, to make and deliver the like re- 
cantation in some public assembly at Weymouth. So 
the Court forbore any further censure by fine or other- 
wise, though it was much urged by some. At the same 
Court some of the principal abettors were censured ; as 

1 See Sav. Win. i. 250-1, 287.— h. 

2 Rev. Robert Lenthall. See page 343 ; and Sav. Win. i. 287-9.— h. 



one Smith,* and one Silvester,* and one Britten, who had 
spoken reproachfully of the answer which was sent to 
Mr. Bernard's book b against their church covenant, and 
of some of the ministers there, for which he was severely 
punished ; but not taking warning he fell into grosser 
evil, whereby he brought capital punishment upon him- 
self, not long after. 1 

The 7th of September, 1639, there was a church gath- 
ered at Braintree, formerly Mount Wollaston, and Mr. 
Wheelwright, (whom the people of Boston, that were 
concerned in that place, had intended to be the minister 
thereof,) being, by the order of the Court, removed out of 
the jurisdiction, 2 Mr. Thompson, 3 that came out of Lan- 
cashire, a pious and learned minister, and had for a time 
been preacher at Agamenticus, where he had been an 
instrument of much good, w T as ordained the pastor thereof, 
the 19th of November following; with whom was 
joined Mr. Henry Flint, as teacher. 4 Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, 
son of Mr. Richard Rogers of Weathersfield, December 
3d of the same year, was ordained pastor of a church 
at Rowley, where was a Plantation newly erected, be- 
tween Ipswich and Newbury. Mr. Eaton and Mr. 
Davenport labored by all means to have drawn him, 
with his people, to New Haven, and had so far prevailed 
with him, (being newly come, and unacquainted with 
the state of the country,) as to engage him to go with 
them, upon propositions which they could not well fulfil ; 
whereupon, by the advice of the ministers about the Bay, 
he took himself released from his foresaid engagement, and 
then came with his people to that place beyond Ipswich, 
where he was ordained their pastor, as is said before. 5 

On the 18th of March, 1639, Mr. Norris 6 was ordained 
teacher of the church at Salem, all the elders of the 
other churches being present. 

The 19th of December Mr. Knowles, sometimes fel- 
low of Emanuel College, in Cambridge, was ordained 
second pastor of the church of Watertown ; the former 
yet surviving, so as at this time they had two pastors 7 

1 See page 426. — h. 2 See page 280. — h. 3 His baptismal name 

was William.— h. 4 See Sav. Win. i. 169, 247, 308, 313, 323.— h. 

5 See page 236. — h. 6 Baptismal name, Edward. — h. 

7 Rev. George Phillips and John Knowles. — h. 


and no teacher, therein differing from the practice of the 
rest of the churches ; as they did also in their private 
way of proceeding, not giving notice thereof, either to 
the magistrates, or neighbor churches, as the common 
practice was then, and still is, by an order, established by 
the General Court for that end ; but that was the humor 
of some in chief place of that church. And so apt are 
the best of men oft times to come in danger of Scylla, 
that they may be sure to keep clear of Charybdis. 

One Hugh Bewet was, at the next Court of Assistants, 
March the 1st, sent put of the jurisdiction for holding 
publicly, and maintaining, that he was free from original 
sin ; it being justly to be feared, that if he had staid 
still, he would have made himself, and others too, guilty 
of more actual sin than his neighbors, (as is ordinarily 
found by experience of those great pretenders to perfec- 
tion and holiness,) although he did also affirm, that for 
half a year before, he had been likewise free from actual 
sin. 1 

The church of Dorchester, not contenting themselves 
with a single officer in the ministry of their church, in- 
vited one Mr. Burr, 2 (who had been a minister in Eng- 
land, and of very good report there., for piety and learn- 
ing,) with intent also to call him to office. And accord- 
ingly, after he was received a member of their church, 
and had given good proof of his piety and other minis- 
terial abilities, they gave him a call to office, which he 
deferring to accept upon some private reasons, known to 
himself, some of the church took some exception at 
some things which he in the mean time delivered, (his 
expressions, possibly, either not being well understood, 
or so far wire-drawn as that they seemed too much in- 
clining to the notions then prevailing much at Boston,) 
and they desired him to give satisfaction, and he not 
seeing need for it, it was agreed that Mr. Mather and he 
should confer together, and so the church should know 
where the difference lay. Accordingly Mr. Burr wrote 
his judgment in the points of difference in such manner 
and terms as, from some of his propositions, taken singly, 

1 See Sav. Win. ii. 19.— h. 

2 Rev. Jonathan Burr ; he was admitted to the church Dec. 21, 1639.— h. 


something that was erroneous might be gathered, and 
might seem naturally to follow therefrom ; but was so 
qualified in other parts, as might admit of a charitable 
construction. Mr. Mather reports to the church the 
seeming erroneous matter that might be collected, with- 
out mentioning the qualification, or acquainting Mr. 
Burr with it before hand. When this was published, 
Mr. Burr disclaimed the erroneous matter, and Mr. 
Mather maintained it from his writings. Whereupon 
the church was divided about it, some joining with the 
one, and some with the other, so as it grew to some heat 
and alienation of mind, and many days were spent for 
reconciliation, but all in vain. In the end they agreed to 
call in help from other churches ; so as, the 2d of Feb- 
ruary, 1640, there was a meeting at Dorchester of the 
Governor, and another 1 of the magistrates, and ten of 
the ministers of the neighboring churches, wherein four 
days were spent in opening the cause, and such offence 
as had fallen out in the prosecution ; and in conclusion 
they all declared their judgment and advice in the case 
to this effect : 

That both sides had cause to be humbled for their 
failings — Mr. Burr for his doubtful and unsafe expres- 
sions, and backwardness to give clear satisfaction ; Mr. 
Mather for his inconsideration, both in not acquainting 
Mr. Burr with his collections, before he published them 
to the church, and in not certifying the qualifications of 
the erroneous expressions w T hich were in his writings ; 
for which they were advised to set a day apart for recon- 
ciliation. Upon this both Mr. Mather and Mr. Burr 
took the blame of their failings upon themselves, and 
freely submitted to the judgment and advice given, to 
which the rest of the church yielded a silent assent, and 
God was much glorified in the close thereof; and Mr. 
Burr did fully renounce these errors of which he was 
suspected, confessing he had been in the dark about 
those points, till God, by occasion of this agitation, had 
cleared them to him, which he did with much meekness 
and tears. But that holy man continued not long after, 

1 Winthrop. — h. 


being observed to express so much of Heaven in his 
public ministry, as his hearers judged he would not con- 
tinue long upon the earth, as it came to pass. 1 

About that time, 2 viz. November 8th, a church was 
gathered at Dedham, with good approbation ; and, the 
28th of the same month, Mr. Peck 3 was ordained teacher 
of the church at Hingham. 

Concerning other ecclesiastical matters which fell out 
in this lustre, being of such a nature as they require a 
more particular discourse, viz. divers errors prevailing in 
and about Boston, and so violently carried on, as did 
need the help of the civil power to redress them, they 
shall be treated of in the following chapters ; only let it 
be here noted, that as well Boston, as many other church- 
es, having received the infection of many dangerous er- 
rors, by the application of due means, like athletic bo- 
dies, did in a little time either work out the contagion 
themselves, or, by the discipline of the church, did purge 
out the leaven of corrupt and unsound doctrine and 
practices, and so became a new lump, as the Apostle 

The hands of those on that side of the country, near 
Connecticut, were strengthened by the coming over of 
Mr. Fenwick, a gentleman of great estate, and eminent 
for wisdom and piety, July 15th, 1639, he arrived at 
New Haven with a ship of three hundred and fifty tons, 
with his lady and family. His intent was to make a Plan- 
tation at Say brook, about the mouth of Connecticut river. 
He laid the foundation thereof, and within a few 7 years 
after returned to England. 4 Two other Plantations were 
begun at that time beyond New Haven ; but every one 
stood so much for their liberty, that every Plantation al- 
most intended a peculiar government of themselves, if 
they could have brought it about ; but those designs 
tended to the weakening of the country, and hinderance 
of the general good of the whole. 

1 He died Aug. 9, 1641, aged 37. See Blake's Annals, and Harris's His- 
tory, of Dorchester.^-H. 2 A mistake ; it was in 1638. — H, 
3 Rev. Robert Peck.— h. 4 See page 309.— h. 



Disturbance in the Massachusetts Colony, in New Eng- 
land, from the year 1636 to 1641, by Mr. Wheel- 
wright and Mrs. Hutchinson. 

Hiteherto the beauty of the Lord had been upon the 
primitive Plantations of New England, prospering their 
handi-work, and blessing the labor of their hands, so 
as in them might have been, in a sense, observed that 
which was said of the primitive church, in the days of 
the Apostles, that they had rest ; and, walking in the fear 
of God, and comforts of the Holy Ghost, were multi- 
plied ; for hitherto their churches, as well as their town- 
ships and families, were increased ; nor were they with- 
out the comforts of the Holy Ghost in their measure. 
But the wicked one,' that always envies at the prosperity 
of the church, took all opportunities to obstruct their 
flourishing, either in civil or ecclesiastical respects ; for 
he had stirred up several of his instruments, as the Pe- 
quod Indians, (the history of which may be seen in the 
Narrative thereof, page 117,) who made cruel and fierce 
war, besides troubles from within, by several persons 
that labored to infest the Plantation, by sowing the 
seeds of dissension and corrupt doctrine, the one much 
increasing and fomenting of the other, as may appear 
briefly in what follows. That which is in sacred writ 
recorded of John Baptist may in its measure not unfitly 
be applied to Mr. John Cotton, that holy man of God 
and reverend teacher of the church of Boston, viz. that 
he was a burning and shining light ; and so many of his 
hearers, that abundantly resorted to his weekly lecture, 
might be said to have rejoiced in his light for a season, 
and much gloried in their gifts and enjoyments, looking 
upon themselves in so flourishing a condition as were 
scarce any where else to be paralleled. For some have 
been heard to say, they believed the church of Boston to 
be the most glorious church in the world ; and indeed 
they deserved to be highly honored, both for their faith 


and order, with their eminent gifts of utterance and 
knowledge. But he who uses to stain the pride of the 
glory of all flesh, by withdrawing or withholding the in- 
fluence of his grace, (which at that time some pretended 
so much to magnify,) Masted their beauty, that it might 
appear that all flesh w T as grass, and the goodliness there- 
of as the flower of the field. For some of the church 
and town of Boston, and the neighboring assemblies, 
who either did not understand, or notoriously abused, 
what their reverend teacher had expressed concerning 
the doctrine of free grace, union with Christ, and evi- 
dencing that union, had secretly vented sundry corrupt 
and dangerous errors and heresies, denying all inherent 
righteousness, and all evidencing a good estate thereby 
in any sort, and, (to use Mr. Cotton's own words in 
print,) " some of them denying the immortality of the 
soul, and resurrection of the body." And when they 
were questioned by some brethren about these things, 
they carried it as if they held forth nothing but what they 
had received from Mr. Cotton ; and possibly they might 
strangely pervert some unwary expressions, occasionally 
let fall by that worthy and eminent divine, to a far dif- 
ferent and contrary sense, than ever they were intended 
by the speaker, insomuch that himself, after he was 
advertised thereof, and had preached against ||those|| errors, 
yet did this generation of Familists make their friends 
believe, that they were otherwise informed by himself 
in private. So as when Mr. Cotton himself, who, by 
reason of his candor and charity, was not forward to 
believe that those erring brethren and sisters were so 
corrupt in their judgments as they were reported to be, 
much suffered thereby in his repute ; for it occasioned 
some of the country to have a jealousy that himself was 
a secret fomenter of the spirit of Familism ; if he were 
not far leavened that way. These erroneous notions 
inspired many of the place also with a strange kind of 
seditious and turbulent spirit, and that upon every occa- 
sion they were ready to challenge all, that did not run 
with them, to be legal Christians, and under a covenant 

II these || 


of works. Under the veil of this pretence men of cor- 
rupt minds and haughty spirits secretly sowed seeds of 
division and schism in the country, and were ready to 
mutiny against the civil authority. For at a General 
Court, held March 9th, 1636, complaint was made of a 
sermon, preached by Mr. Wheelwright a little before, 
supposed to tend to sedition and disturbance of the pub- 
lic peace ; and being sent for to the Court, he was evi- 
dently convict of sedition and contempt of authority, for 
sundry passages in his sermon, which he stood to justify ; 
and, notwithstanding all means used, would not be 
brought in the least to retract. On which account the 
Court saw cause to order his removal out of the juris- 
diction. The magistrates set forth an apology to justify 
the sentence, which the adverse party had ||remonstranced|| 
against, altering the words and meaning of such passages 
as were the ground of the Court's sentence. Mr. 
Wheelw T right also himself put forth a small tractate, to 
clear the doctrine of his sermon from sedition, as if he 
had only declared therein the covenant of grace, which 
was also differing from his sermon, and was confuted by 
some of the ministers by many- strong arguments. Mr. 
Cotton replied largely to their answer, and brought the 
differences to a narrow scantling. But Mr. Wheel- 
wright could not be prevailed with, to make any kind of 
recantation, which might have saved himself and others 
much trouble. The Court also, though they had power 
enough to crush that party, yet deferred passing their 
sentence, that their moderation and desire of .reconcilia- 
tion might appear; but himself persisting in his way, it 
was at the last declared, and put in execution. 

And in the latter session of the General Court, wherein 
he was sentenced, sundry persons were called in ques- 
tion for subscribino- their names to a remonstrance, or 


petition, (there were about sixty of them in all,) wherein 
they did not only justify Mr. Wheelwright's doctrine 
and practice, but strongly reflect upon the proceedings 
of the Court against him ; whereupon the petitioners 
were all called before the Court, and proceeded with 

|| remonstrated || 


according to the degrees of their offence, (which none of 
them were willing to see or acknowledge,) in some, to 
their removal out of the Patent ; in others, to their dis- 
franchisement only. With all which they were so dissatis- 
fied, as §that^ they generally, at least many of them, re- 
moved out of the Patent, and made a Plantation at Rhode 
Island, near the Narrhaganset Country, where their suc- 
cessors and their posterity are remaining at this day ; so 
as the sentence of the Court was not prejudicial, but 
occasionally an advantage to their outward estate, being 
by that means seated in one of the fertilest places of the 
country; only, for fear of making great disturbance, 
which might have ruined them all, the authority of the 
Massachusetts was not willing to have them to abide 
longer amongst them within their jurisdiction. 

At the same Court, also, was called in question one Mrs. 
Hutchinson, supposed to be the occasion of all the fore- 
mentioned commotions in the Colony of the Massachu- 
setts ; whose name it is wished might have been for- 
borne, out of respect to some of her family, long after 
and still surviving, noted /or eminent piety, great in- 
tegrity of judgment, and faithful service in the church of 

This gentlewoman was of a nimble wit, voluble 
tongue, eminent knowledge in the Scriptures, of great 
charity, and notable helpfulness, especially in such occa- 
sions where those of that sex stand in need of the mutual 
help of each other; which was the opportunity usually 
taken for insinuating into the spiritual state of those 
she came amongst, telling them of the danger of being 
under a covenant of works; by which means the affec- 
tions of those that labored under wants, and bodily in- 
firmities, were notably prepared to become susceptible 
of any novel impressions ; especially such as seemed to 
tend to the exalting of free grace, and depressing of the 
creature, and leaving all for Christ to do. And as when 
the devil attempted to ruin mankind by the insinuation 
of a new 7 divinity, he began with Eve, and by her sur- 
prised her husband ; the same course is still found the 



most successful for that end, and was to admiration at 
this time verified in and ahout Boston. 

When the said Mrs. Hutchinson was brought into the 
Court, it was laid to her charge, that she had a great hand 
in the public disturbance of the country, partly by 
erroneous opinions, which she broached and divulged, and 
partly by countenancing and encouraging such as sowed 
sedition therein, and partly by casting reproach upon 
the faithful ministers of the country, and their ministry, 
thereby weakening their hands in the day of the Lord, 
and raising prejudice against them in the hearts of the 
people. It was added, that they would either have her 
acknowledge and reform her errors, and other offences, 
or else they must take such a course with her, that she 
might trouble them no further. After a long agitation 
with her, she pressed to declare her mind about the man- 
ner of God's dealing with her ; which having at last lib- 
erty to do, she expressed herself in a way of immediate 
revelation : applying to herself, and her present condi- 
tion, sundry texts of Scripture, as Jerem. xlvi. 28, and 
Isaiah xxx. 20, [and] viii. 9 ; adding, that the Lord spake 
that to her, with a strong hand, and also using that in- 
stance of Daniel, Dan. vi., where the princes and presi- 
dents sought something against him, concerning the law 
of his God, when they could find nothing else, and so 
concluded: " see this Scripture fulfilled this day in mine 
eyes, take heed what you go about to do unto me, &c. 
I am in the hands of the eternal Jehovah, my Savior." 
She insisted much upon that place of Scripture, Jer. xlvi. 
ult., " though I make a full end of all nations, yet will I not 
make a full end of thee ; " which was very remarkable, as 
to the end that befel her, for ||within|| a very few years after 
the sentence of the Court, occasioning her to remove, 
first to Rhode Island, and not being contented there, she 
withdrew voluntarily into some remote part of the coun- 
try, from her friends and neighbors at Rhode Island, 
(with whom neither could she agree,) she herself, with 
most, or many, of her family, were destroyed by the In- 
dians, as shall be showed afterwards, when none else 


were ; whereby it is evident how dangerous a thing it is 
to trust to such pretended revelations, and neglect the 
word of God, which is our only rule, both as to faith and 

The Court hearing of her thus speak, gathered from 
her own words that she walked by such a rule as cannot 
stand with the peace of any State or Church, for such 
bottomless revelations, if they be allowed in one thing, 
they must be admitted for a rule in all; and upon such 
a foundation were built the tragedies of Munster and 
other places, and might be also in America, if such things 
went on after this sort ; for they who are above reason 
and Scripture will be subject to no control. The Court, 
therefore, finding no hope of her being persuaded to 
recal her opinions, or reform her way, judged it necessary 
to proceed against her by such a sentence as necessarily 
required her departure out of the country. The church 
likewise passed a sentence of excommunication upon 
her, by Mr. Cotton's consent and approbation, as well 
as of the church. 1 

This discovery of a new rule of practice by immediate 
revelation, and the consideration of such dangerous 
consequences, which have and might follow thereof, 
occasioned the Court to disarm all such of that party, as 
had their hands to the petition aforesaid, and some others 
who had openly defended the same, (which was a true 
shibboleth, whereby the disaffected were discovered,) 
except they would give satisfaction to the magistrates 
therein ; which some presently did, about twenty in all : 
others made a great question about bringing in their 
arms, but they were too weak to stand it out, and there- 
fore at the last submitted. 2 


The occasion of spreading erroneous opinions in New 
England, and much disturbance occasioned thereby in 
and about Boston, in the years 1636, 1637, etc. 

Mrs. Hutchinson, of whom large mention is made 
in the foregoing chapter, did by degrees discover two 

1 See page 336.— h s See Sav. Win. i. 247.— h. 


dangerous errors, which she brought with her out of 
England, (it being not probahle that she gathered them 
from the ministry of Mr. Cotton, or any other minister 
in New England.) The one was, that the Holy Ghost 
dwelt personally in a justified person ; the other was, 
that nothing of sanctifieation can help to evidence to 
believers their justification. From these two grew many 
other branches ; as that our union with the Holy Ghost 
is such, that a Christian remains in himself dead to any 
spiritual action, and hath no gifts or graces, other than 
such as are in hypocrites, nor any other sanctifieation 
than the Holy Ghost himself. There joined with her 
in those opinions, or in some other very near them, one 
Mr. Wheelwright, brother-in-law to her, sometimes a 
silenced minister in England, of whom mention is also 
made in the former chapter. 

The other ministers of the Bay hearing of those things* 
came to Boston about the end of October, 1636, in the 
time of the General Court, and entered a conference in 
private with the elders, and others there, to the end 
that they might know the certainty of these things ; if 
need were that they might write to the church of Boston, 
about them, to prevent, (if it were possible,) the dangers 
which seemed to hang over that and the rest of the 
churches. At this conference Mr. Cotton was present, 
and gave satisfaction to them, so as he agreed with them 
all in the point of sanctifieation, and so did Mr. Wheel- 
wright ; so as they all did hold, that sanctifieation did help 
to evidence justification, the same he had delivered plainly 
in public divers times ; but, for the indwelling of the 
person of the Holy Ghost, he held that still, but not 
union with the person of the Holy Ghost, so as to amount 
to a personal union. 

A few days after, sc. October 30th, some of Boston 
church being of the forementioned opinion, were laboring 
to have the said Mr. Wheelwright to be called to be a 
teacher there. It was propounded the Lord's Day be- 
fore, and was this day moved again for a resolution. One 1 

1 "This, we cannot doubt, was Winthrop himself,'' says Mr. Savage, 
Win. i. 202.— h. 


of the church stood up, and said he could not consent: 
his reason was, because the church being well furnished 
already with able ministers, whose spirits they knew, and 
whose labors God had blessed in much love and sweet 
peace, he thought it not fit (no necessity urging,) to put 
the welfare of the church to the least hazard, as he feared 
they should, by calling in one whose spirit they knew 
not, and one who seemed to dissent in judgment, and 
instanced in two points, which he delivered in a late 
exercise there : 1. That a believer was more than a new 
creature. 2. That the person of the Holy Ghost and a be- 
liever were united. Hereupon the Governor, Mr. Vane, 
spake, that he marvelled at this, seeing Mr. Cotton had 
lately approved his doctrine. To this Mr. Cotton an- 
swered, that he did not remember the first, and desired 
Mr. Wheelwright to explain his meaning. He denied 
not the points, but showed upon what occasion he de- 
livered them. Whereupon, there being an endeavor to 
make a reconciliation, the first replied, that although Mr. 
Wheelwright and himself might agree about the points, 
and though he thought reverendly of his godliness and 
abilities, so as he could be content to live under such a 
ministry, yet, seeing he was apt to raise doubtful dispu- 
tations, he could not consent to choose him to the place. 
Whereupon the church gave way, that he might be called 
to office in a new church, to be gathered at Mount Wol- 
laston, now Braintree. Divers of the brethren took 
offence at this speech against Mr. Wheelwright ; where- 
upon the same brother spake in the congregation the 
next Lord's Day, to this effect : that, hearing how some 
brethren took offence at his former speech, and for that 
offences were dangerous, he was desirous to give satis- 
faction. The offence, he said, was in three things : 
1. For that he charged that brother in public, and for a 
thing so long since delivered, and had not first dealed 
with him privately. For this he acknowledged that it was 
a failing ; but the occasion was, that, when he heard the 
points delivered, he took them in a good sense, as spoken 
figuratively, seeing the whole scope of the doctrine 



was sound, and savoring of the spirit of God ; but hearing, 
very lately, that he was suspected to hold such opinions, 
it caused him to think he spake as he meant. The 
second cause of offence was, that in his speech appeared 
some bitterness. For that he answered, that they well 
knew his manner of speech was always earnest in things 
which he conceived to be serious ; and professed that he 
did love that brother's person, and did honor the gifts 
and graces of God in him. The third was, that he had 
charged him to have held things which he did not. For 
this he answered, that he had spoke since with the said 
brother; and for the two points, — 1. That a believer should 
be more than a new creature, and 2. That there should 
be a personal union between the Holy Ghost and a be- 
liever, — he denied to hold either of them, but by neces- 
sary consequences he doth hold both ; for he holds, (said 
he,) that there is a real union with the person of the Holy 
Ghost, and then of necessity §it^ must be personal, and so 
a believer must be more than a creature, viz. God-man, 
as Christ Jesus. For though, in a true union, the two 
terms may still remain the same, &c, as between husband 
and wife, he is a man still and she is a woman, (for 
the union is only in sympathy and relation,) yet in a real 
or personal union it is not. Now whether this were 
agreeable to the doctrine of the Gospel, he left to the 
church to judge, hoping the Lord would direct their 
• teacher to clear these points fully, as he had well done, 
in good measure, already. Withal he made this request 
to the brethren, that, (which he said he did seriously and 
affectionately,) seeing those variances grew, (and some 
estrangement withal,) from some words and expressions 
which were of human invention, and tended to doubtful 
disputation, rather than to edification, and had no footing 
in Scripture, nor had been of use in the purest churches 
for three hundred years after Christ, that, for the peace of 
the church, they might be forborne, (he meant the person 
of the Holy Ghost, and real union;) he concluded, that 
he did not intend to dispute the matter, (as not having 
place nor calling thereunto ;) yet, if any brother desired to 


see what light he walked by, he would be ready to im- 
part it to him. How this was taken by the congregation 
it did not appear, for no man spake to it. This speech 
was very solid, rational, and candid, and if men's minds 
had not been strangely forestalled with prejudice against 
the truth, and a secret inclination to novelties and error, 
it might have put a stop to ||that|| confusion they at Boston 
were at that time running into. 

A day or two after, the same brother wrote his mind 
fully, with such Scriptures and arguments as came to 
hand, and sent it to Mr. Cotton. 

The Governor, Mr. Vane, a gentleman pretending 
much to wisdom and piety, held, with Mr. Cotton, the 
indwelling of the person of the Holy Ghost in a believer, 
and went so far beyond the rest, as to maintain a per- 
sonal union with the Holy Ghost. But the Deputy, Mr. 
Winthrop, (a gentleman not inferior in natural abilities, 
but much better grounded in the true principles of learn- 
ing, both divine and human,) together with Mr. Wilson, 
the pastor, and divers others, denied both ; and the 
question proceeded so far by disputation, (in writing, for 
the peace sake of the church, which all were tender of,) 
as, at length, they could not find the person of the Holy 
Ghost in Scripture, nor in the primitive churches three 
hundred years after Christ ; so that all, agreeing in the 
chief matter of substance, came to this, viz. that the Holy 
Ghost is God, and that he doth dwell in believers, (as 
the Father and Son are also said to do,) but whether by 
his gifts and power only, or by any other manner of pres- 
ence, seeing the Scripture doth not declare it, it was 
earnestly desired that the word person might be forborne, 
being a term of human invention, and tending to doubtful 
disputation in this case. For though the word person 
be used in the Hebrews, i. 3, yet in the Greek it is 
hypostasis, or subsistence, not ngoaanov^ which is to be 
rendered person. 

At a General Court, occasionally called in December 
following, (that was intended for a Court of Election,) the 
ministers were called for advice about composing and 

II the || 


pacifying the difference among the churches in point of 
opinion. The Governor having declared the occasion 
to them, Mr. Dudley desired that men would be free 
and open, &c. ; another of the magistrates spake, that it 
would much further the end they came for, if men would 
freely declare what they held differing from others, as 
himself would do, in what point soever he should be op- 
posed, The Governor said, that he would be content 
to do the like, but that he understood the ministers were 
about it in a church way, which he spake upon this oc- 
casion; the ministers had met, a little before, and had 
drawn into heads all the points, wherein they suspected 
Mr. Cotton did differ from them, and had propounded 
them to him, and pressed him to a direct answer, affirma- 
tive or negative, to every one of which he had promised, 
and had taken time for. This meeting being spoken 
of the day before in the Court, the Governor took great 
offence at it, as being without his privity, etc., which this 
day one 1 of the ministers told him as plainly of, (with all 
due reverence,) and how he had saddened the spirits of the 
ministers, that he should be jealous of their meetings, or 
seem to restrain their liberties, etc. The Governor ex- 
cused his speech as sudden, and upon a mistake. The 
same minister told him also, that within less than two 
years since, the churches were at peace, etc. The Gov- 
ernor answered, that the light of the Gospel brings a 
sword, and the children of the bond woman would per- 
secute those of the free woman, and such like canting 
language. The minister besought him humbly to con- 
sider his short experience in the things of God, and to 
beware of peremptory conclusions, which he perceived 
him to be very apt unto ; he declared further what had 
been observed, both in the Low Countries and here, as 
the principal reasons of new opinions and divisions there- 
upon, viz. pride, idleness, and ungrounded knowledge, 
&c. Mr. Wilson, pastor of Boston, made a serious 
speech of the condition of the churches, and the inevita- 
ble danger of separation, if those differences and aliena- 
tions among brethren were not speedily remedied ; and 

3 Rev. Hugh Peter. — h. 


laid the blame on those new opinions, risen up amongst 
them ; which all the magistrates, except the Governor 
and two others, did confirm, as did all the ministers also, 
except two. 

In this discourse a question arose about sanctification. 
Mr. Cotton, in his sermon that day, had laid down this 
ground, that evident sanctification was a ground of justi- 
fication, and thereupon had taught that, in cases of spir- 
itual desertion, true desires of sanctification was found to 
be sanctification as our divines usually hold ; and further, 
if a man were laid so flat upon the ground, as he could 
see no desires, &c, but only, as a bruised reed, did wait 
at the foot of Christ, yet here was matter of comfort, 
for this was found to be true sanctification in the root 
and principle of it. 

The question here grew, whether any of these, or evi- 
dent sanctification, could be evident to a man without a 
concurrent sight of his justification. The Governor and 
Mr. Cotton denied it ; but this was one of the questions 
disputed afterwards in the Synod. 

But the speech of Mr. Wilson, it seems, did stick in 
many of their stomachs, and was taken ill by Mr. Cotton 
himself and divers others of the church of Boston, so as 
he and divers of them went to admonish him. But Mr. 
Wilson and some others could see no breach of rule, 
seeing he was called by the Court about the same matter 
with the rest of the elders, and exhorted to deliver 
their minds freely and faithfully, both for discovering 
the dangers, and means of help ; and the things he spake 
of were only in general, and such as were under a com- 
mon fame ; and being questioned about his intent, he 
did not mean Boston church, nor the members thereof, 
more than others. But this would not satisfy, but they 
called him to answer publicly, on the Lord's Day, De- 
cember 31, and there the Governor pressed it violently 
against him, and most of the congregation, except the 
Deputy and a few more, and many of them with much 
bitterness and reproaches ; but he answered them all 
with words of truth and soberness, and marvellous wis- 


dom. It was strange to see, how the common people 
were led by example to condemn him, in that which it 
is very probable divers of them did not understand, nor 
the rule which he was supposed to have broken ; and 
that such as had known him so long, and what good he 
had done for the church, should fall upon him with such 
bitterness for justifying himself in a good cause; for he 
was a very holy upright man, and for faith and love 
inferior to none in the country, and most dear to all men, 
beside prejudiced people. The teacher joined with the 
greater, part at that time, in their judgment of him, (not 
without some appearance of prejudice,) yet with much 
wisdom and moderation. They were eager to proceed 
to present censure, but the teacher staid them from 1 that, 
telling them he might not do it, because some opposed 
it, but gave him a grave exhortation. The pastor was 
not much troubled at it, accounting it but man's day ; 
Barnabas was sometimes carried away with the error 
of the rest. The next Lord's Day the said Mr. Wilson 
preached, notwithstanding, and the Lord so assisted him 
as he gave great satisfaction, and the Governor himself 
gave public witness to him. 

One 2 of the brethren wrote to Mr. Cotton about it, and 
laid before him divers failings, (as he supposed,) and some 
reasons to just fy Mr. Wilson, and dealt very plainly 
with him. Mr. Cotton made a very loving and gentle 
answer, clearing his intentions, and persisting in his 
judgment of Mr. Wilson's offence, laying down divers 
arguments for it. The said brother replied to him in 
like loving manner, and desired leave to shew his letter 
to Mr. Wilson, which he readily assented unto. But for 
an answer to his arguments, he forbore to reply to Mr. 
Cotton, (because he was overburdened with business,) 
but wrote to the two ruling elders, (whom the matter 
more concerned,) and, by way of defence of Mr. Wilson, 
answered all Mr. Cotton's arguments. 

Upon these occasions many errors broke out publicly 
in the church of Boston, — as that the Holy Ghost 
dwelt in a believer, as he did in Heaven ; that a man is 

1 For in the MS.— h. s Winthrop, says Sav. Win. i. 211. — H. 


justified before he believes ; and that faith is no cause of 
justification : and others superadded more, — as that the 
Jetter of the Scripture holds forth nothing but a covenant 
of works; and that the covenant of grace was the spirit 
of the Scripture, and was known only to believers, and 
that this covenant of works was given by Moses in the 
ten commandments; and [that] there was a seed, viz. 
Abraham's carnal seed, went along in it, and there was a 
spirit and life in it, by virtue whereof a man might attain 
to any sanctification in gifts and graces, and might have 
spiritual and comfortable communion with Jesus Christ, 
and yet be damned. After, it was granted that faith was 
before justification, but it was only passive, an empty 
vessel, &c. ; but, in conclusion of all, the ground of all 
was found to be assurance by immediate revelation. 

All the congregation of Boston, in a manner, except 
four or five, closed with these opinions, or the most of 
them ; but one of the brethren wrote against them, and 
bore witness to the truth, together with the pastor, and 
very few others joined with them. Things being brought 
to this pass, the rest of the ministers taking offence at 
some doctrines delivered by Mr. Cotton, and especially 
at some opinions, which some of his church did broach, 
(for he seemed to have too good an opinion of, and too 
much familiarity with, those persons,) and drew out six- 
teen points, and gave them to him, entreating him to de- 
liver his judgment directly in them, which accordingly he 
did, and many copses of them were dispersed about. 
Some doubts he well cleared, but in some things he gave 
not satisfaction. The rest of the ministers replied to 
these answers, and at large showed their dissent, and the 
grounds thereof; and, at the next General Court, held 
the 9th of March following, they all assembled at Boston, 
and agreed to put off all lectures for three weeks, that 
they might bring things to some issue. 

But whatever private conferences or means were used, 
the differences in the said points of religion increased 
more and more, and the ministers on both sides, (there 
being only Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright on one 


part,) did publicly declare their judgment in some of 
them, so as all men's mouths were full of nothing else ; 
and about this time, February 3, there being a ship in 
the harbor, bound for England with many passengers, 
Mr. Cotton took occasion to speak, to them about the 
differences, &c, and willed them to tell our countrymen 
that all the strife amongst them was about magnifying 
the grace of God ; one party 1 seeking to advance the 
grace of God within us, and the other to advance the 
grace of God towards us, (meaning by the one justifica- 
tion, by the other sanctification,) and so bade them tell 
them, that, if there were any among them that could 
strive for grace, they should come hither, and so declared 
some particulars. Mr. Wilson spake after him, and 
declared, that he knew none of the elders or brethren of 
the churches, but did labor to advance the free grace of 
God in justification, so far as the word of God required ; 
and spake also about the doctrine of sanctification, and 
the use and necessity of it ; by occasion whereof no man 
could tell (except some few who knew the bottom of the 
matter) where any difference was ; which speech, though 
it offended those of Mr. Cotton's part, yet it was very 
seasonable to clear the rest, who otherwise would have 
been reputed to oppose free grace. This only occasion 
increased the contention, and raised great alienations of 
minds, and the members of Boston (frequenting the lec- 
tures of other ministers) did make much disturbance 
by public questions, and objections against their doc- 
trines, which did any way disagree from their opinions; 
and it began to be as common there to distinguish be- 
tween men, by being under a covenant of works and a 
covenant of grace, as in other countries between Protest- 
ants and Papists. For, at the General Court the next 
year, 2 one Greensmith was punished, for saying all the 
ministers in the country preached a covenant of works, 
but two ; 3 but, notwithstanding his talking of an appeal, 
he was committed till he submitted to the sentence, 
which was in part to make an acknowledgment in all 
the congregations of the country. 4 

1 Person, by mistake, in the MS. — h. 2 1G37. — h. 

3 Cotton and Wheelwright.— h. 4 See Sav. Win. i. 214, 234, ii. 348.— h. 


At the next General Court, which was on the 9th of 
March, 1636, 1 they questioned the proceedings against 
Mr. Wilson, and, by the greater part, his speech was 
approved, and declared to be a seasonable caution, and 
no charge or accusation. 

And at that time the ministers, being called to give 
their advice about the authority of the Court in tilings 
concerning the church, did all agree of these two tilings : 
1. That no member of Court ought publicly to be ques- 
tioned by the church, for any speech in the Court, viz. 
which concerned the Court, and [the] authority thereof. 
The reason was, because the Court may have sufficient 
reason that may excuse the same, which yet may not be 
fit to acquaint the church with, being a secret of state. 
The second thing was, that, in all such heresies and errors 
of any church member as are manifest and dangerous to 
the state, the Court may proceed without tarrying for the 
church ; but if the opinions be doubtful, &c, they are 
first to refer them to the Church. At this Court, like- 
wise, when Mr. Wheelwright was questioned for his 
sermon, which seemed to tend to sedition, &c, near all 
the church of Boston presented a petition to the Court 
for two things among others ; 1st. That as freemen they 
might be present in cases of judicature. 2dly. That the 
Court would declare that they might deal in cases of con- 
science before the church. This w 7 as taken as a ground- 
less and presumptuous act, especially at this season, and 
was rejected with this answer, that the Court had never 
used to proceed judicially, but it was openly; for matter 
of consultation and preparation in causes, they might and 
would be private. 

Such were the uncomfortable agitations in those times, 
both in the church and Court, by reason of new opinions. 
But for the difference between Mr. Cotton, and his 
party, and Mr. Wilson, there was a reconciliation made 
betwixt them the next summer, viz. in August, (Mr. 
Hooker being then in the Bay, and Mr. Davenport at 
Boston,) for ||there|| was a day appointed for a conference 
amongst the elders, or a Synod, on the 30th of August, 

11 that [I 

1 1637, N. S.— h. 



and a day of humiliation on the 24th, with consent of 
the magistrates. At their private meetings some recon- 
ciliation was made between Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheel- 
wright, and Mr. Wilson, he professing that, by his 
speech in the Court, with which they were so much 
offended, he did not intend the doctrine of Mr. Cotton or 
Mr. Wheelwright, delivered in the public congrega- 
tion, but some opinions, (naming three or four,) which 
were privately carried on in Boston and other parts of 
the country ; and accordingly Mr. Cotton declared so 
much in the congregation the Lord's Day following. And 
for the rest of his speech, it was agreed by all the minis- 
ters to be inoffensive, considering his call thereto by the 
Court. This sudden change was the more observed by 
some, who were privy that Mr. Wilson had professed so 
much before, both privately to the elders, and publicly 
in the congregation, and that the said opinions had been 
delivered to the elders of Boston in writing, as those 
which Mr. Wilson intended. But every thing is beauti- 
ful in its season ; sometimes when men's eyes are held 
they cannot see that which else is very manifest and easy 
to be discerned. 

There was great hope that the Assembly of the minis- 
ters, this year called together, would have had some good 
effect for the composing the troubles and dissensions 
about matters of religion ; but it fell out otherwise. For 
although Mr. Wheelwright had been clearly confuted 
and confounded in the Assembly, yet they persisted in 
their opinions, and were as busy in nourishing and car- 
rying on contentions (the principal of them) as ever be- 
fore ; yea, were rather the more engaged in defending 
their errors, upon occasion of the proceedings against 
him and ||Mrs.|| Hutchinson in the Court, and in the said 
Assembly. For now were other grosser errors openly 
professed and maintained by them, that before were only 
secretly carried, by way of inquiry, and so many of 
Boston tainted with them, as Mr. Cotton, finding how 
he had been abused, and made (as himself said) their 
stalking-horse, (for they pretended to hold nothing but 

|| Mr. || 


what Mr. Cotton held, and himself did, at the first, think 
the same,) did spend most of his time, both publicly and 
privately, to discover those errors, and reduce such as 
were gone astray. The magistrates also, with the minis- 
ters, spent two or three days together in consultation how 
to redress those growing evils. 

Some of those growing evils or errors were these : 

That there is no inherent righteousness in a child of 

That we are not bound to the law, no, not as a rule. 

That the Sabbath is but as other days. 

That the soul is mortal till it be united to Christ. 

That there is no resurrection of the body, &c. 

But, by the blessing of God upon all endeavors, the 
church of Boston at last having agreed, with one consent, 
to pass the sentence of excommunication against Mrs. 
Hutchinson, for many moral evils in her conversation, 
as well as for corrupt opinions, many, who had been 
seduced by her, by what they heard and saw that day 
were, through the grace of God, brought off quite from 
her errors and settled in the truth. 

And at a general fast, on the 13th of December, 
1638, Mr. Cotton, in his sermon that day at Boston, did 
confess and bewail, as the churches', so his own, security 
and credulity, whereupon so many dangerous errors had 
gotten up and spread in the churches, and went over all 
the particulars, and shewed how he came to be deceived; 
the errors being formed (in words) so near the truth 
which he had preached, and the falsehood of the main- 
tainers of them was such, as they usually would deny to 
him what they had delivered to others. He acknowledged 
that such as had been seducers of others (instancing in 
some of those of Rhode Island, though he named them 
not) had been justly banished ; yet, he said, such as only 
had been misled, and others who had done any thing out 
of misguided conscience, (not being grossly evil,) should 
be borne withal, and first referred to the church, and if 
that could not heal them, they should rather be imprisoned 
or fined, than banished, it being likely that no other 
church would receive them. 


At the General Court in March, 1638, 1 divers of the 
chief military officers of Boston, who had been favorers 
of the Familistical persons and opinions, being sent for by 
the Court, and told that they desired good satisfaction 
from them, having reason to be jealous of them, ingen- 
uously acknowledged that they had been deceived and 
misled by the appearance, which was held forth, of ad- 
vancing Christ and debasing the creature, which, since, 
they had found to be otherwise, and that their opinion 
and practice tended to disturbance and delusion ; and so 
blessed God, that had so thoroughly discovered their error 
and danger to them. 

CHAP. XL. 2 

A Synod called in New England, Anno 1637, at Cam- 
bridge. The occasion and success thereof. 

The forementioned commotions in the country occa- 
sioned [by] the spreading of sundry Familistical opinions, 
which had received too much countenance and growth 
under the wing of the former Governor, required the 
help of the ecclesiastical, as well as the civil, power, to 
suppress and scatter them ; and therefore the General 
Court of the Massachusetts judged it necessary to call an 
Assembly of all the elders of the churches, throughout 
the country, to consider thereof. 

Many of the foresaid opinions were fathered upon Mr. 
Cotton, or were supposed to be gathered from some 
positions laid down by him in his public preaching, the 
which, being reduced to several heads, were discussed by 
the Synod when they met together in the first place, as 
well for the clearing of the truths in question, as the 
vindicating the honor of that reverend divine, not a little 
eclipsed by the laying those opinions to his charge. 

When the Synod was assembled, Mr. 3 Thomas Hooker 
and Mr. Peter Bulkley were chosen moderators for 
the first day, and continued all the rest of the Synod ; 

1 This is New Style. See Sav. Win. i. 256.— h. 

5 Originally xxxix in the MS. — h. 

3 At Newtown, (now Cambridge,) Aug. 30, 1637.— h. 


two as able and judicious divines as any the country 
afforded, by whom the disputes were managed with ail 
liberty and fidelity to be desired ; and the matters in con- 
troversy debated with as much seriousness and intense- 
ness of mind, in the ministers, as the nature and circum- 
stances thereof required ; being apprehended, by some, 
more dangerous in their tendency and consequences than 
in the notions themselves. 

The errors 1 spreading in the country were first con- 
demned'by one consent in the Assembly ; then they came 
to discourse some questions in controversy between Mr. 
Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright on the one part, and the 
rest of the ministers on the other part. 

The questions at that time discussed were five, 2 which 
follow, with the answers given thereunto by Mr. Cotton 
and the rest of the ministers, set down distinct. 

Quest. 1. Whether our union with Christ be com- 
plete before, and without, faith ? 

Reply of Mr. Cotton. Not before the habit, though 
without the act, of faith, i. e. not before Christ hath 
wrought faith in us ; for in uniting himself to us, he 
works faith in us, yet before our faith hath laid hold on 
him ; not before the gift of faith, though before the work 
of faith. 

Then were two or three arguments urged by Mr. 
Cotton, that seem to carry some strength with them. 

Arg. 1. From the utter impotency of the soul without, 
or before, union with Christ to any good act, (I mean 
complete union, for union standeth indivisible.) If we 
put forth an act of faith to lay hold on Christ, before we 
be completely united to him, then we put forth a good 
act, and so bring forth good fruit before we be in him, 
and before we be good trees. 

Arg. 2. In our regeneration we are merely passive, 
our faith is not then active. But in our regeneration we 
are completely united to Christ, when our faith is not 
active. Many other great divines seem to speak this way. 
Mr. Strong, in a late treatise of the Two Covenants, 

1 " Being eighty in all," says Winthrop. — h. 

9 " Which were after reduced to three." Ibid. — h. 



pag. 76, saith, that in our union we are passive, as well 
as in our conversion. 

Arg. 3. If our union with Christ be an act of our faith, 
then it is by a work of ours, and then it is not a work of 
grace, according to Rom. xi. 6. 

Answers of the ministers in the Synod. 

We are not completely united to Christ by the habit 
of faith without the act, or by a faith merely passive. 

We apprehend it to be beyond the reach of reason, or 
any expression in the Scripture, how this joining can be 
made by the habit merely, not putting forth any act upon 
the object. The habit of faith in the hand of the Spirit 
must needs be some cause of the union in question, and 
therefore must act therein. For faith is not said to 
receive, in Scripture, as a vessel receives water, but as the 
wife takes the husband, John i. 12, where the same 
word is used with that in Matt. i. 20, for Joseph's taking 
Mary for his wife. 

Quest. 2. Whether faith be an instrumental cause of 
applying Christ's righteousness to our justification ? 

Reply of Mr. Cotton. It is an instrument to receive 
the righteousness of Christ applied to us of God for our 
justification, but not properly an instrumental cause. 

Reply of the ministers. Faith is an instrumental cause 
in applying Christ's righteousness, and faith is active and 
not merely passive herein. 

Quest. 3. Whether the Spirit of God in our justifica- 
tion doth bear witness in an absolute promise of free 
grace, without qualification or condition ? 

Reply of Mr. Cotton. The Spirit doth bear witness 
to our justification, either in an absolute promise, or 
conditional, in case the condition be understood, or 
applied absolutely, not attending the condition, as the 
cause or ground of our assurance, but as the effect or 
consequence of it. 

Reply of the ministers. The Spirit, in evidencing our 
justification, doth bear witness only in a conditional 
promise, i. e. where some saving condition or qualifica- 
tion, wrought in us by the Spirit of Christ, is either ex- 
pressed or understood ; expressed, Acts xiii. 39 ; under- 
stood, Isaiah xliii. 25. 


Quest. 4. Whether some saving qualification may be 
a first evidence of justification ? 

Reply of Mr. Cotton. A man may have an argument 
from thence, but not a first evidence. 

Reply of the ministers. Some saving qualification, 
wrought or discovered by the Spirit in the promise, may 
be a first evidence of our justification. 

Quest. 5. Whether Christ and his benefits be dis- 
pensed in a covenant of works ? 

Reply of Mr. Cotton. Christ is dispensed to the elect 
in a covenant of grace, to others he may be dispensed in 
some sort, || to wit,|| in a taste of him, either in a covenant 
of works, or in a covenant of grace legally applied. 

Reply of the ministers. Although Christ and his 
benefits may be revealed, offered, and, after a sort, ex- 
hibited, to men that be under a covenant of works, yet they 
are not revealed and offered by a covenant of works. 

These things were thoroughly sifted and scanned 
divers days in the Synod, where every one had liberty to 
make his proposals and use his arguments, pro or con, 
as he stood affected. And upon this disquisition the 
presence of God did manifestly appear for the clearing 
of the truth in controversy to general satisfaction, so 
that aright understanding w r as thereby obtained between 
the rest of the elders and Mr. Cotton, who had been for 
some time before much estranged the one from the other. 
Many of Boston church, and some others, were offended 
with the procedure of the Assembly in the producing so 
many errors, as if it were a reproach laid upon the coun- 
try without cause, and called to have the persons named, 
which held those errors ; but it was answered and affirmed 
by many, both elders and others, that all those opinions 
could be proved, by sufficient testimony, to be held 
by some in the country, but it was not thought fit to 
name the persons, because that Assembly (not owning 
themselves to have any judicial power) had not to do 
with persons, but doctrines only. For, according to the 
principles of those churches of the Congregational per- 
suasion, the question is only to be carried to the Synod ; 

B viz. li 


the case remains with the particular church to which the 
person is related. But this would not satisfy some, but 
they oft called for witnesses ; yea, many of them were 
so obstreperous, that the magistrates were constrained to 
interpose with their authority to prevent civil disturbance ; 
upon which divers of Boston departed home and came 
no more at the Assembly. 

In the first handling of the five questions premised, 
either part delivered their arguments in writing, which 
were read in the Assembly, and afterwards the answers 
to them, which spent much time without any effect ; 
but after they came to open dispute about the questions, 
they were soon determined, and by that means, also, they 
came to understand one another much better. 

And, in conclusion, the judgment of the Assembly did 
appear in the points controverted between them and Mr. 
Cotton, and if he were not convinced, yet he was per- 
suaded to an amicable compliance with the other minis- 
ters, by studious abstaining on his part from all expres- 
sions that were like to be offensive ; for although it was 
thought he did still retain his own sense and enjoy his 
own apprehension, in all or most of the things then con- 
troverted, (as is manifest by some expressions of his, in 
a treatise of the New Covenant, since that time published 
by Mr. Thomas Allen, of Norwich,) yet was there an 
healing of the breach, that had been between him and 
the rest of the elders, and a putting a stop to the course 
of errors in the country for the future, through the joint 
endeavors of himself and the rest of the ministers, in 
their respective places and congregations. By that means 
did that reverend and worthy minister of the Gospel 
recover his former splendor throughout the whole country 
of New England, with his wonted esteem and interest 
in the hearts of all his friends and acquaintance, so as his 
latter days were like the clear shining of the sun after 
rain, whatever distance had appeared heretofore ; but as 
for others, whether broachers, or fomenters and main- 
tainers, of Familistical notions, they were all condemned 
in the Synod, and by that occasion prevented from 
spreading in the country, notwithstanding the many 
active persons concerned with them. 


Some had run on headily so far in the defending of 
those errors, that one offered to maintain in the Synod, 
that Christ himself was part of the new creature ; which 
made one of his disciples (who usually are more zealous 
in defence of any opinions than their masters) undertake, 
before the whole assembly in Boston church, to maintain 
it by Scripture, that Christ and the new creature were all 
one : not much unlike the gentleman that, to make it 
appear how resolute a Catholic he was, was heard to say, 
he not only believed Christ was really present in the 
sacrament, but that he was there booted and spurred, as he 
rode to Jerusalem : so this young Familist, not content 
to affirm that Christ was part of the new creature, will 
boldly affirm he is the new creature ; alleging for proof 
that in the 2 Cor. v. 17 ; for, having some smattering in 
the French tongue, he observed that, in the French Bible 
[qu' il soit] 1 is written in a different character, as if in the 
original it must therefore be, [if any man be in Christ, 
the new creature.] 1 To whom Mr. Cotton, according to 
his wonted meekness and moderation, yet with a nimble 
sagacity, replied, brother, if the words [he is] 1 are not 
literally expressed, they are necessarily understood and 
implied, for read them in your sense, [if any man be in 
Christ, the new creature,] 1 what follows then ? what sense 
will that be ? at which the nonsensical Familist was not a 
little confounded, which made him soon quit that station 
of defence and retire himself into a present silence as his 
best refuge. But this may suffice for a taste of the 
strange spirit of error, that had begun to leaven several 
forward professors in that place with such strange notions. 
Such was the issue of this Synod, of which it might truly 
be affirmed, 

" Est Synodus, nodus, sed quo constringuit* error." 

In the last day of the Assembly some other questions 
were debated and resolved, as about the public exercising 
of women's gifts, (as was then the custom in Boston, 

* Qu. Constringitur ?— Ed. l Thus in the MS.— n. 


though in a private house,) when fifty or sixty persons 
were observed to attend constantly every week upon one 
woman, (who in a prophetical way would take upon her 
to resolve questions of doctrine and expound Scripture.) 
This was condemned to be disorderly and without rule. 

And about asking of questions in public by the 
brethren, after sermon, not so much for information as 
for reproof, (then too much in use,) whereby the doc- 
trines delivered were endeavored to be refuted, and the 
ministers themselves reproached, which was also con- 

There was likewise a motion at that time made by the 
Governor about the way of raising maintenance for the 
ministers, there having been some difference amongst the 
churches a little before on that account. It was there- 
fore desired that it might now be determined, by the 
present Synod, what way was most agreeable to the Gos- 
pel ; but the ministers did not like to meddle with the 
question in that Assembly, lest some that w T ere not well 
minded should thereby take occasion to say, that the 
ministers of the country had caused an Assembly to be 
gathered together for their own ends and advantage ; 
and seeing it is positively declared, 1 Cor. ix. 14, in the 
Gospel, as a thing ordained of God, that they which 
preach the Gospel should live of the Gospel, it was 
thought best to leave it to the liberty of each church and 
people, to take that course for the maintenance of their 
ministers, which, all things considered, appears most 
agreeable to their state and condition. 

For a conclusion, the reverend Mr. Davenport (as he 
had been desired by the Assembly) preached out of 
Philip, iii. 16, " Nevertheless, whereunto we have already 
attained, let us walk by the same rule, let us mind the 
same thing;" out of which words he laid down the oc- 
casion of differences amongst Christians, and declared 
the fruit and effect of the present Assembly, and, with 
much wisdom and sound arguments, persuaded all to 
endeavor the keeping of the unity of the Spirit in the 
bond of peace. 

[A blank of nearly three pages."]